JK 


UC-NRLF 


2357 


C\J 
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REPUBLICAN  SCRAP  BOOK 


CONTAINING 


THE    PLATFORMS,    AND    A    CHOICE     SELECTION     OF    EXTRACTS,    SETTING    FORTH 

THE  REAL  QUESTIONS  IN   ISSUE,  THE    OPINIONS    OF    THE    CANDIDATES,  THE 

NATURE  AND  DESIGNS  OF  THE   SLAVE  OLIGARCHY,  AS  SHOWN  BY  THEIR 

OWN  WRITERS,  AND  THE  OPINIONS  OF  CLAY,  WEBSTER,  JCSIAE 

QUINCY,   AND   OTHER   PATRIOTS,  ON    SLAVERY    AND    ITS 

EXTENSION. 


"  But  fool  is  he  the  yoke  that  flingi 

O'er  the  unshackled  soul  of  man. 
'T  is  like  a  cobweb  on  his  breast, 

That  binds  the  giant  while  asleep  ; 
Or  curtain  hung  upon  the  East, 

The  daylight  from  the  world  to  keep."—  HOGG. 


BOSTON: 
JOHN    F.    JEWETT    &    CO. 

1856. 


THE 


REPUBLICAN    SCRAP-BOOK, 


INDEX. 

THE  PLATFORMS,  AND  A  CHOICE  SELECTION  OF  EXTRACTS  RELATING  TO  THE 

THREE  PARTIES, 3 — 16 

EXTRACTS  SHOWING  WHAT  ARE  THE  REAL  QUESTIONS  IN  ISSUE, 16—45 

EXTRACTS  FROM  MR.  QUINCY, 45 — 51 

EXTRACTS  FROM  SOUTHERN  STATESMAN'  ANI?  'WRITERS,  EXHIBITING  THE  PRIN 
CIPLES  OF  THE  SLAVE  OLIGARCHY, • , 51 — 5$ 

EXTRACTS  FROM  HENRY  CLAY,  SHOWING  ms 'HOSTILITY  TO  SLAVERY  EXTENSION^— 60 

EXTRACTS  FROM  DANIEL  WEBSTER,  SHOWING  THE  SAME, 60—67 

THE  KANSAS  LAWS  ANALYZED, • 67—74 

DOCUMENTS  RELATIVE  TO  THE  BROOKS  OUTRAGE,  INCLUDING  BROOKS'S  RECENT 

SPEECH  AT  COLUMBIA,  S.  C., 74—80 


This  pamphlet  may  be  obtained  by  the  quantity,  for  distribution,  at  the  rate  of  12£  cents  apiece 
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REPUBLICAN  SCRAP-BOOK. 


This  pamphlet  has  been  prepared  with  a  view  to 
preserving  in  a  convenient  form  and  keeping  before 
the  people  certain  facts  and  views  that  are  of  the 
utmost  importance  in  the  present  canvass.  The 
Platforms  of  the  three  parties  are  given,  the  nature 
and  designs  of  the  slave  oligarchy  in  their  endea 
vor  to  elect  Buchanan  andTto  divide  the  North,  are 
shown  forth  by  extracts  from  their  own  writers. 
In  opposition  to  the  nefarious  doctrines  of  the 
plotters  for  slavery  extension,  that  now  control  the 
Democratic  party,  the  views  are  here  presented  of 
our  greatest  statesmen,  Washington,  Jefferson, 
Webster,  Clay,  Quincy,  and  others.  Nothing  can 
be  more  instructive  than  the  contrast  thus  exhib 
ited.  The  reader's  attention  is  particularly  called 
to  those  extracts  which  show  the  anti-republican 
atid  oligarchic  character  of  the  slaveholding  class, 
and  the  debasing  effect  on  the  laborer  of  that  slave 
system  which  the  Democratic  party  would  extend 
into  all  our  Territories. 

Editors  of  Fremont  papers  are  especially  desired 
to  examine  the  extracts  here  presented.  Many 
of  them,  it  is  believed,  will  bear  republication,  and 
a  more  general  diffusion  than  they  have  yet  had. 

From  the  N.  Y.  Evenirg  Post  for  Sept.  5.          f 
The  Use  to  »e  made  of  Mr.  Fillmore. 

^  The  friends  of  Mr.  Fillmore  now  rest  what 
little  hope  is  left  them  upon  the  House  of 
Representatives.  There  is  no  well-informed 
manamong  them  who  does  not  fully  under 
stand  that  there  is  no  chance  of  his  election  by 
the  people.  The  policy  now  agreed  upon  by 
the  more  knowing  ones  among  them  seems  to 
be  simply  this :  to  use  his  nomination  as  part 
of  the  machinery  for  preventing  Colonel  Fre 
mont  from  obtaining  a  majority  of  the  electoral 
votes.  If  they  should  succeed  in  this,  they 


count  very  confidently  upon  preventing  hit 
election  by  the  House  of  Representatives. 

In  a  long  article  which  appears  in  the  Wash 
ington  Daily  American  Organ  of  yesterday, 
the  plan  is  stated  very  broadly,  and  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  commend  it  to  the  favor  of  those 
who  support  the  Cincinnati  platform  and  its 
candidates.  In  substance  it  amounts  to  this  — 
that  the  Buchaniers  and  the  Know-Nothings 
are  to  act  together  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
prevent  the  choice  of  Fremont  by  the  electoral 
colleges,  and  having  brought  the  election  by 
this  means  into  the  House  of  Representatives, 
are  to  unite  upon  Mr.  Breckinridge  as  Vice- 
President,  leaving  the  Presidency  vacant. 
The  executive  chair  would  then  be  filled  by 
the  Vice  President,  who  would  be  expected, 
as  a  matter  of  course,  to  be  suitably  grateful 
to  auxiliaries  from  the  Know  Nothing  party 
by  whose  aid  he  was  made  the  acting  Chief 
Magistrate.  The  plan  is  thus  stated  by  the 
American  Organ.  We  preserve  the  italics  of 
the  original : 

"  It  is,  we  think,  perfectly  evident,  that  if 
there  be  no  election  by  the  people,  through 
the  electoral  colleges,  Mr.  Breckinridge  would 
be  chosen  Vice-President  by  the  Senate,  and 
in  the  event  of  a  failure  by  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  to  elect  a  President,  he  would  be 
come  the  President  —  a  lesser  calamity,  in  our 
judgment,  than  the  election  of  Buchanan.  The 
Richmond  Enquirer  may  '  make  the  most '  of 
this  opinion. 

«<  We  suppose  we  may  safely  assume,  that 
with  all  classes  in  the  South,  the  election  of 
Breckinridge  as  Vice  President,  and  his  acces 
sion  to  the  Presidency,  would  be  greatly  pre 
ferred  to  the  election  of  Buchanan  as  Presi 
dent.  It  being  certain,  that  the  Democratic 
Senate  would  elect  Breckinridge  as  Vice  Pres- 


ident,  and  that,  if  no  election  were  made  by  the 
House,  he  would  become  the  President,  by 
virtue  of  his  election  as  Vice  President,  it  fol 
lows  that  no  Southern  or  conservative  man  can 
reasonably  object  to  having  the  election  thrown 
into  Congress.  The  failure  of  an  election  by 
the  people,  under  this  state  of  the  case,  brings 
no  increased  danger  to  the  South,  or  to  any 
portion  of  the  country ;  for,  the  House  would 
either  elect  Fillmore  as  President,  or,  there 
being  no  election  by  the  House,  Breckinridge 
would  become  the  President. 

******* 

"  Mr.  Breckinridge  is  an  honorable  oppo 
nent —  a  high-minded  and  patri&tic  gentleman 

—  a  man  of  mind,  of  talents,  and  of  integrity 

—  he  IP  yctui^,  too.  with  &  future  befo.ve  him  — 
he  is  without  trainers  and  dependants  —  he 
could  form  his  own  associations  —  in  all  this 

there  is  hope. 

******* 

"  We  are  not  afraid  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives— we  believe  that  Mr.Fillmore  would 
be  certainly  elected  by  that  body  —  but  if  not, 
we  should  have  some  consolation  under  our 
temporary  defeat,  in  the  considerations  we  have 
mentioned. 

"  The  advocates  of  Buchanan  in  the  South 
have  sought  to  infuse  a  horror  into  the  public 
mind  at  the  bare  idea  of  the  election  being 
thrown  into  the  House,  assuming  that  the  elec 
tion  of  Fremont  might  result  from  it.  We 
have  heretofore  shown  that  Fremont's  election 
by  the  House  is  impossible.  Every  man  who 
understands  the  condition  of  parties  in  the 
House,  and  who  knows  that  each  State  has 
but  one  vote  in  the  election  of  President  by  the 
House,  knows  that  the  idea  of  Fremont's  elec 
tion  by  that  body  is  simply  ridiculous.  The 
advocates  of  Buchanan,  however,  dread  the 
House  of  Representatives  —  they  know  that  he 
cannot  be  elected  there  —  they  know  that  the 
Fillmore  States  hold  the  balance  of  power,  and 
that  they  could  give,  the  Republicans  their 
choice,  to  permit  Breckinridge  to  become  the 
President,  or  to  elect  Fillmore  to  that  position  ! 
The  argument,  then,  which  has  been  used  at 
the  South,  in  favor  of  a  union  upon  Buchanan, 
to  keep  the  election  out  of  the  House,  is  decep 
tions  and  Jesuitical." 

"  It  is  more,  —  it  is  dangerous  in  the  extreme ; 
for  if  by  such  arguments  the  South  should  be 
induced  to  unite  upon  Buchanan,  the  country 
would  be  at  once  arrayed  in  a  sectional  con 
test, — purely  so ;  and  were  such  a  contest  to  be 
tendered  by  the  South  to  the  North,  and  ac 
cepted  by  them,  the  result  would  be  the  tri 
umph  of  a  Northern  sectional  party.  But  the 


pretended  danger,  if  the  election  were  thrown 
into  the   House,  is  a  transparent  bugbear — a 
phantom  which  would  not  frighten  half-grown 
children.    We  hope   that  Fillmore  may  be 
elected  by  the  electoral  colleges,  but  if  not,  we 
shall  not '  despair  of  the  republic  '  if  the  elec 
tion  devolves  upon  the  House.    Far  from  it" 
It  is  well  said,  that  none  of  us  know 
"  To  what  base  uses  we  may  come  at  last." 

Mr.  Fillmore,  good,  easy  maji,  in  the  innocen- 
cy  of  his  heart,  supposes  that  he  is  nominated 
to  be  elected.  No  such  thing;  he  is  only 
nominated  to  divide  the  North,  to  draw  off 
votes  from  Fremont,  to  help  make  John  C. 
Breckinridge  Vice  President.  The  declara 
tions  with  which  the  development  of  this  plan 
is  sweetened,  that  Mr.  Fillmore  will  "  certain 
ly"  be  elected  by  the  House,  if  by  proper  man- 
revres  a  choice  by  the  people  can  be  prevent 
ed,  amount  to  nothing.  The  American  party 
is  feeble  in  the  House  of  Representatives  and 
the  Buchanan  party  strong,  and  the  compact 
and  well-drilled  body  who  support  the  admin 
istration  will  not  come  over  to  the  few  and 
somewhat  vacillating  and  irresolute  members 
calling  themselves  Americans,  and  give  them 
all  they  ask  by  making  Mr.  Fillmore  Presi 
dent.  It  is  absurd  to  suppose  them  willing  to 
make  a  losing  bargain  like  this,  when  the 
American  Organ  assures  them  in  the  same 
breath  that  it  is  willing  to  give  them  an  infi 
nitely  better  one  in  conferring  the  Chief  Mag 
istracy  on  one  of  their  candidates — Breckin 
ridge.  The  election  of  Fillmore  by  the  House 
is,  therefore,  an  impossibility. 

Mr.  Fillmore  must  be  exceedingly  flattered 
when  he  discovers  the  object  for  which  he  is 
set  up.  The  American  Organ,  it  will  be  seen, 
acknowledges  that,  if  he  were  to  retire  from 
the  field,  the  triumph  of  the  Republican  can 
didate  would  be  certain.  "  If,"  says  the  Organ, 
"  the  South  should  be  induced  to  unite  upon 
Buchanan,  the  country  would  be  at  once  ar 
rayed  in  a  sectional  contest, — purely  so ;  and  in 
such  a  contest,  tendered  by  the  South  to  the 
North,  and  accepted  by  them,  the  result  will 
be  the  triumph  of  a  Northern  sectional  party." 
This  is  to  say,  Buchanan  would  be  beaten  in 
any  fair  computation  upon  the  ground  which 
he  and  his  followers  have  taken,  the  extension 
of  slavery.  Make  that  the  point  in  dispute — 
as  it  really  is  —  withdraw  all  topics  got  up  for 
the  purpose  of  distracting  the  attention  of  the 
people,  — extinguish  all  false  lights,  and  the 
Organ  acknowledges  that  the  people  would 
give  their  voice  for  Fremont. 

We  do  not  know  what  Buchanan  may  say 


5 


to  this  scheme  of  setting  him  aside,  but  one 
thing,  at  least,  is  clear,  that  if  his  friends  do 
not  enter  into  some  understanding  with  the 
Fillmore  members  of  the  House,  Breckinridge 
cannot  be  elected.  They  will  have  only  to 
promise  that  the  words  of  the  Organ  shall  be 
duly  fulfilled,  that  Breckinridge  shall  "  form 
his  own  associations,"  this  is  to  say,  reward  in 
some  manner  those  who  vote  for  him.  Per 
haps,  while  the  negotiation  is  in  progress, 
means  may  be  found  to  persuade  these  pliant 
members  to  go  a  step  further  and  vote  for  Mr. 
Buchanan  as  President.  We  do  not  think 
that  Mr.  Buchanan  would  be  particularly  im 
practicable  in  an  arrangement  like  this.  He 
is  not  at  all  nice  in  his  associations,  as  he  has 
fully  proved,  and  would  as  readily  lie  in  the 
same  truckle-bed  with  a  Know  Nothing  as 
with  a  Democrat,  provided  there  were  any 
personal  advantage  to  be  derived  from  it.  It 
would  be  quite  as  easy,  we  fancy,  to  make  the 
arrangement,  to  which  the  Organ  alludes,  with 
him  as  with  his  Kentucky  associate  on  the  ticket. 

Mr.  Fillmore  may  now  see,  if  he  will  open 
his  eyes,  the  fate  which  is  reserved  for  him. — 
He  is  put  up  to  be  beaten,  to  amuse  the  North 
while  the  South  is  accomplishing  its  ends,  and 
then  to  be  laid  aside  with  the  old  lumber  of 
parties  —  with  John  Tyler  and  Franklin 
Pierce,  for  neither  of  whom  is  there  any  fur 
ther  occasion.  His  pretended  friends  no  long 
er  think  of  him  as  the  probable  President ;  the 
eyes  of  those  who  manage  the  American  party 
at  Washington  are  turned  to  the  prospect  of  a 
coalition  with  the  administration  party,  by 
which  Breckinridge,  under  the  name  of  Vice 
President,  can  be  placed  in  the  Executive 
chair. 


without  a  peer  —  without  a  rival.  Several 
months  since,  he  proclaimed  that  he  marched 
with  no  party  that  did  not  *  carry  the  flag  and 
keep  step  to  the  music  of  the  Union.'  Always 
a  Whig  —  at  one  time  a  Whig  Senator  in 
Congress  —  he  is  now  advocating  the  election 
of  Buchanan. 

"  Coming  further  South,  the  eye  rests  on 
such  men  as  Randall  and  Reed,  of  Pennsylva 
nia;  Clayton,  of  Delaware  ;  Pearce,  Pratt  and 
Reverdy  Johnson,  of  Maryland ;  Burwell,  of 
Virginia  ;  Clingman,  of  North  Carolina ;  Pres 
ton,  ex-Senator  Dixon  and  James  Clay,  of 
Kentucky;  Senator  Geyer,  Caruthers,  and 
Oliver,  of  Missouri ;  Senator  Jones  and  Wat- 
kins,  of  Tennessee ;  Jenkins,  of  Georgia  ;  Pe^- 
cy  Walker  and  Judge  Ormond,  of  Alabama ; 
and  Senator  Benjamin,  of  Louisiana.  How 
puny  seem  the  arguments  of  our  opponents 
against  Democracy,  when  opposed  to  the  acts 
of  such  men  as  these.  We  venture  to  say  that 
never  in  the  history  of  parties  in  America  be 
fore,  was  seen  the  spectacle  of  so  many  men 
(those  mentioned  are  but  specimens)  going  by 
common  impulse  to  the  support  of  the  candi 
date  of  a  party,  to  which,  for  a  life-time,  they 
had  stood  opposed." 


What  Mr.   Choate   says. 

"  While  I  entertain  a  high  appreciation  of  the 
character  and  ability  of  Mr.  Fillmore,  I  do  not 
sympathize  in  any  degree  with  the  objects  and 
creed  of  the  particular  party  that  nominated 
him,  and  do  not  approve  of  their  organization 
and  their  tactics.  Practically,  too,  the  contest 
in  my  judgment  is  between  Mr.  Buchanan 
and  Col.  Fremont.  In  these  circumstances  I 
shall  vote  for  Mr.  Buchanan." 


It  is  becoming  more  evident  every  day  that 
Fillmore  lias  no  chance.  See  what  the  old 
Whigs  thinks  of  it. 

From  the  N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  Aug.  1st. 

One  of  the  most  extraordinary  phenomena 
of  the  present  political  contest  is  the  alacrity 
with  which  a  certain  class  of  Whigs,  including 
some  of  the  most  bigoted  of  their  party,  enrol 
themselves  in  the  ranks  of  Buchanan's  sup 
porters.  The  Savannah  Georgian,  in  an  ex 
ulting  article,  thus  enumerates  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  of  these  instances  : 

"  In  Maine,  we  point  to  Evans,  unquestion 
ably  the  ablest  statesman  that  commonwealth 
has  ever  sent  to  the  councils  of  the  Republic. 
In  Massachusetts,  who  is  there  that  can  be 
compared  as  an  orator  and  advocate  with  Ru- 
fus  Choate  ?  In  all  New  England  he  stands 


DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY, 


Platform  of  the  National  Democratic  Con 
vention,  1856. 

Resolved,  That  the  American  Democracy- 
place  their  trust  in  the  intelligence,  the  patri 
otism  and  the  discriminating  justice  of  the 
American  people. 

Resolved,  That  we  regard  this  as  a  distinctive 
feature  of  our  political  creed,  which  we  are 
proud  to  maintain  before  the  world  as  the  great 
moral  element  in  a  form  of  government  spring 
ing  from  and  upheld  by  the  popular  will ;  and 
we  contrast  it  with  the  creed  and  practice  of 
federalism,  under  whatever  name  or  form, 
which  seeks  to  palsy  the  will  of  the  constituent, 
and  which  conceives  no  imposture  too  mon 
strous  for  the  popular  credulity. 


Resolved,  therefore,  That  entertaining  these 
views,  the  Democratic  party  of  this  Union, 
through  their  delegates  assembled  in  a  general 
convention,  coming  together  in  a  spirit  of  con 
cord,  of  devotion  to  the  doctrines  and  faith  of 
a  free  represented  government,  and  appealing 
to  their  fellow  citizens  for  the  rectitude  of  their 
intentions,  renew  and  re-assert  before  the  Am 
erican  people,  the  declarations  of  principles 
avowed  by  them  when,  on  former  occasions, 
in  general  convention,  they  have  presented 
their  candidates  for  the  popular  suffrages. 

1.  That  the  federal  government  is  one  of 
limited  power,  derived  solely  from  the  Consti 
tution;  and  the  grants  of  powers  made  therein 
ought  to  be  strictly  construed  by  all  the  de 
partments  and  agents  of  the  government ;  and 
that  it  is  inexpedient  and  dangerous  to  exercise 
doubtful  constitutional  powers. 

2.  That  the   Constitution  does  not  confer 
upon  the  general  government  the  power  to 
commence  and  carry  on  a  general  system  of  in 
ternal  improvements. 

3.  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer 
authority  upon  the  federal  government,  direct 
ly  or   indirectly,  to  assume  the  debts  of  the 
several  States,  contracted  ior  local  and  inter 
nal  improvements,  or  any  other  State  purposes ; 
nor  would  such  assumption  be  just  or  expe 
dient. 

4.  .That  justice  and  sound  policy  forbid  the 
federal  government  to  foster  one  branch  of  in 
dustry  to  the  detriment  of  any  other,   or  to 
cherish  the  interests  of  one  portion  to  the  in 
jury  of  another  portion  of  our  common  country; 
that   every  citizen   and  every  section  of  the 
country  have  a  right  to  demand  and  insist  upon 
an  equality  of  rights  and   privileges,  and  to 
complete  and  ample  protection  of  persons  and 
property  from  domestic   violence   or  foreign 
aggression. 

5.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  branch  of 
the  government  to  enforce  and  practise  the 
most  rigid  economy  in  conducting  our  public 
affairs,  and  that  no  more  revenue  ought  to  be 
raised  than  is  required  to  defray  the  necessary 
expenses  of  the  government,  and  for  the  gradual 
but  certain  extinction  of  the  public  debt. 

6.  That  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands 
ought  to  be  sacredly  applied   to  the  national 
objects  specified  in  the  Constitution;  and  that 
•we  are  opposed  to  any  law  for  the  distribution 
of  such  proceeds  among  the  States,  as  alike 
inexpedient  in   policy  and  repugnant  to  the 
Constitution. 

7.  That  Congress  has  no  power  to  charter 
a  national  bank ;  that  we  believe  such  an  in 
stitution  one  of  deadly  hostility  to  the  best  in 


terests  of  the  country,  dangerous  to  our  repub 
lican  institutions  and  the  liberties  of  the  people, 
and  calculated  to  place  the  business  of  the 
country  within  the  control  of  a  concentrated 
moneyed  power,  and  above  the  laws  and  the  will 
of  the  people  ;  and  that  the  results  of  Demo 
cratic  legislation  in  this  and  all  other  financial 
measures  upon  which  issues  have  been  made 
between  the  two  political  parties  of  the  country, 
have  demonstrated  to  candid  and  practical 
men  of  all  parties,  their  soundness,  safety  and 
utility,  in  all  business  pursuits. 

8.  That  the  separation  of  the  moneys  of 
the  government  from  banking   institutions  is 
indispensable  for  the  safety  of  the  funds  of  the 
government  and  the  rights  of  the  people. 

9.  That  we  are  decidedly  opposed  to  taking 
from  the  President  the  qualified  veto  power, 
by  which  he  is  enabled,  under  restrictions  and 
responsibilities  amply  sufficient  to  guard  the 
public  interests,  to  suspend  the  passage  of  a 
bill  whose  merits  cannot  secure  the  approval 
of  two-thirds  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Rep 
resentatives,  until  the  judgment  of  the  people 
can  be  obtained  thereon,  and  which  has  saved 
the  American  people  from  the  corrupt  and  ty 
rannical  domination  of  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States,  and  from  a  corrupting  system  of  gene 
ral  internal  improvements. 

10.  That  the  liberal  principles  embodied  by 
Jefferson  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
and    sanctioned  in   the    Constitution,    which 
makes  ours  the  land  of  liberty,  and  the  asylum 
of  the  oppressed  of  every  nation,    have  ever 
been   cardinal  principles   in  the   Democratic 
faith,  and  every  attempt  to  abridge  the  privi 
lege  of  becoming  citizens  and  the  owners  of 
soil  among  us,  ought  to  be  resisted  with  the 
same  spirit  which  swept  the  alien  and  sedition 
laws  from  our  statute  books. 

JF  And  whereas,  Since  the  foregoing  declara 
tion  was  uniformly  adopted  by  our  predeces 
sors  in  national  conventions,  an  adverse  politi 
cal  and  religious  test  has  been  secretly  organ 
ized  by  a  party  claiming  to  be  exclusively 
American,  it  is  proper  that  the  American  De 
mocracy  should  clearly  define  its  relations  there 
to,  and  declare  its  determined  opposition  to  all 
secret  political  societies,  by  whatever  name 
they  may  be  called. 

Resolved,  That  the  foundation  of  this  union 
of  States  having  been  laid  in,  and  its  prosperi 
ty  expansion  and  pre-eminent  example  in  free 
government,  built  upon  entire  freedom  in  mat 
ters  of  religious  concernment,  and  no  respect 
of  person  in  regard  to  rank  or  place  of  birth  ; 
no  party  can  justly  be  deemed  national,  con 
stitutional,  or  in  accordance  with  American 


principles,  -which  bases  its'  exclusive  organiza 
tion  upon  religious  opinions,  and  accidental 
birthplace.  And  hence  a  political  crusade  in 
the  nineteenth  century,  and  in  the  United 
States  of  America,  against  Catholics  and  for 
eign-born,  is  neither  justified  by  the  past  his 
tory  or  the  future  prospects  of  the  country,  nor 
in  unison  with  the  spirit  of  toleration  and  en 
larged  freedom  which  peculiarly  distinguishes 
the  American  system  of  popular  government. 
Resolved,  That  we  reiterate  with  renewed 
energy  of  purpose  the  well  considered  declara 
tions  of  former  conventions  upon  the  sectional 
issue  of  domestic  slavery,  and  concerning  the 
reserved  rights  of  the  States — 

1.  That  Congress  has  no  power,  under  the 
Constitution,  to  interfere  with  or  control  the 
domestic  institutions  of  the  several  States,  and 
that  such  States  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges 
of  everything  appertaining  to  their  own  affairs 
not  prohibited  by  the  Constitution ;  that  all 
efforts  of  the  abolitionists  or  others,  made  to  in 
duce   Congress  to  interfere  ivith   questions  of 
slavery  or  to  take  incipient  steps  in  relation  there 
to,  are  calculated  to  lead  to  the  most  alarming 
and  dangerous  consequences ;  and  that  all  such 
efforts  have  an  inevitable  tendency  to  dimin 
ish  the  happiness  of  the  people,  and  endanger 
the  stability  and  permanency  of  the  Union, 
and  ought  not  to  be   countenanced  by  any 
friend  of  our  political  institutions. 

2.  That  the  foregoing  proposition  covers, 
and  was  intended  to  embrace  the  whole  subject 
of  slavery  agitation  in  Congress;  and,  there 
fore,  the  Democratic  party  of  the  Union,  stand 
ing  on  this  national  platform,  will  abide  by  and 
adhere  to  a  faithful  execution  of  the  acts  known 
as  the  compromise  measures,  settled  by  the 
Congress  of   1850 ;    "  the  act  of  reclaiming 
fugitives  from  service  or    labor,"    included ; 
which  act  being  designed  to  carry  out  an  ex 
press  provision  of   the    Constitution,   cannot 
with  fidelity  thereto,  be  repealed,  or  so  changed 
as  to  destroy  or  impair  its  efficiency. 

3.  That  the  Democratic  party  will  resist 
all  attempts  at  renewing,  in  Congress  or  out  of 
it,  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question,  under 
whatever  shape  or  color  the  attempt  may  be 
made. 

4.  That  the  Democratic  party  will  faithful 
ly  abide  by  and  uphold  the  principles  laid 
down  ia  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions 
of  1798,  and  in  the  report  of  Mr.  Madison  to 
the  Virginia  Legislature  in  1799  ;  that  it  adopts 
those  principles  as  constituting  one  of  the  main 
foundations  of  its  political  creed,  and  is  resolved 
to  carry  them  out  in  their  obvious  meaning 
and  import. 


And  that  we  may  more  distinctly  meet  the 
issue  on  which  a  sectional  party,  subsisting  ex 
clusively  on  slavery  agitation,  now  relies  to 
test  the  fidelity  of  the  people,  North  and  South, 
to  the  Constitution  and  the  Union — 
^Resolved,  That  claiming  fellowship  with,  and 
desiring  the  co-operation  of  all  who  regard  the 
preservation  of  the  Union  under  the  Constitu 
tion  as  the  paramount  issue — and  repudiating 
all  sectional  parties  and  platforms  concerning 
domestic  slavery  which  seek  to  embroil  the 
States  and  incite  to  treason  and  armed  resist 
ance  to  law  in  the  Territories;  and  whose 
avowed  purposes,  if  consummated,  must  end  in 
civil  war  and  disunion — the  American  Demo 
cracy  recognize  and  adopt  the  principles  con 
tained  in  the  organic  laws  establishing  the  Terri 
tories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  as  embodying 
the  only  sound  and  safe  solution  of  the  "  slavery 
question"  upon  which  the  great  national  idea 
of  the  people  of  this  whole  country  can  repose 
in  its  determined  conservatism  of  the  Union— 
NON-INTERFERENCE  BY  CONGRESS  WITH 
SLAVERY  IN  STATE  AND  TERRITORY,  OK 
IN  THE  DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

2.  That  this  was  the  basis  of  the  comprom 
ises  of  1850 — confirmed  by  both  the  Democratic 
and  Whig  parties  in  national  conventions — 
ratified  by  the  people  in  the  election  of  1852 
— and  rightly  applied  to  the  organization  of 
Territories  in  1854. 

3.  That  by  the  uniform  application  of  this 
Democratic  principle  to  the   organization  of 
Territories,   and  the  admission  of  new  States, 
with  or  without  domestic  slavery,  as  they  may 
elect — the  equal  rights  of  all  the  States  will  be 
preserved  intact — the  original  compacts  of  the 
Constitution  maintained    inviolate — and    the 
perpetuity  and  expansion  of  this  Union  insured 
to  its  utmost  capacity  of  embracing  in  peace 
and  harmony  every  future   American   State 
that  may  be  constituted  or  annexed,  with  a 
republican  form  of  government. 

Resolved,  That  we  recognize  the  right  of  the 
people  of  all  the  Territories,  including  Kansas 
and  Nebraska,  acting  through  the  legally  and 
fairly  expressed  will  of  a  majority  of  actual 
residents,  and  whenever  the  number  of  their 
inhabitants  justifies  it,  to  form  a  Constitution 
with  or  without  domestic  slavery,  and  be  admitted 
into  the  Union  upon  terms  of  perfect  equality 
with  the  other  States. 

Resolved,  finally,  That  in  view  of  the  condi 
tion  of  popular  institutions  in  the  Old  World, 
(and  the  dangerous  tendencies  of  sectional  agi 
tation,  combined  with  the  attempt  to  enforce 
civil  and  religious  disabilities  against  the  rights 
of  acquiring  and  enjoying  citizenship,  in  our 


8 


own  land)  a  high  and  sacred  duty  is  devolved,  [Adopted,  199  to  56.  Maine  I,  Connecti- 
with  increased  responsibility,  upon  the  Demo-  cut  2,  Virginia,  Maryland  and  Rhode  Island 
cratic  party  of  this  country,  as  the  party  of  the  formed  the  principal  nays.] 
Union,  to  uphold  and  maintain  the  rights  of  4.  That  in  view  of  so  commanding  an  in- 
every  State,  and  thereby  the  Union  of  the  terest,  the  people  of  the  United  States  cannot 
States ;  and  to  sustain  and  advance  among  us  but  sympathize  with  the  efforts  which  are  being 
constitutional  liberty,  by  continuing  to  resist  made  by  the  people  of  Central  America  to  re- 
all  monopolies  and  exclusive  legislation  for  generate  that  portion  of  the  continent  which 
the  benefit  of  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the  covers  the  passage  across  the  inter-oceanic 
many,  and  by  a  vigilant  and  constant  adher-  isthmus. 

ence  to  those  principles  and  compromises  of  [Adopted,  221  to  38.  Rhode  Island,  Dela- 
the  Constitution,  which  are  broad  enough  and  ware,  Maryland,  South  Carolina  and  Kentucky 
strong  enough  to  embrace  and  uphold  the  voted  nay.] 

Union  as  it  was,  the  Union  as  it  is,  and  the  6.  Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  will 
Union  as  it  shall  be,  in  the  full  expansion  of  expect  of  the  next  administration  that  every 
the  energies  and  capacity  of  this  great  and  proper  effort  be  made  to  insure  our  ascendency 
progressive  people.  in  ike  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  to  maintain  a  per- 

[All  of  the  above  was  adopted  unanimously  manent  protection  to  the  great  outlets  through 
by  the  Convention.]  which  are  emptied  into  its  waters  the  products 

1.  Resolved,  That  there  are  questions  con-   raised  out  of  the  soil,  and  the  commodities 
nected  with  the  foreign  policy  of  this  country,  created  by  the  industry  of  the  people  of  our 
which  are  inferior  to  no  domestic   question   Western  valleys  and  of  the  Union  at  large, 
whatever.       The    time    has    come    for    the       [Adopted,  229  to  30 — last  nearly  as  on  pre- 
people  of  the  United  States  to  declare  them-  vious  one.] 

selves  in  favor  of  free  seas  and  progressive  THE  PACIFIC  RAILROAD. 

free  trade  throughout  the  world,  and  by  solemn  The  following  resolution  was  reported  by  the 
manifestations  to  place  their  moral  influence  committee,  as  an  appendage  to,  but  not  a  part 
at  the  side  of  their  successful  example.  of  the  platform : 

[Adopted,  234  to  26.     Georgia,  Maryland,       Resolved,  That    the  Democratic  party  re- 
Delaware  and  North  Carolina  voted  no.]  cognizes  the  great  importance,  in  a  political 

2.  Resolved,  That  our    geographical    and  an(j  commercial  point  of  view,  of  a  safe  and 
political  position  with  reference  to  the  other  Sp6ady  communication,  by  military  and  postal 
States  of  this  continent,  no  less  than  the  inter-  roads,  through  our  own  territory  between  the 
ests  of  our  commerce  and  the  development  of  Atlantic  and  Pacific  coasts  of  this  Union,  and 
our  growing  power,  requires  that  we  should  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  federal  government 
hold  as  sacred  the  principles  involved  in  the   to  exercise  promptly  all  its  constitutional  power 
Monroe  doctrine  ;  their  bearing  and  import  for  the  attainment  of  that  object. 

admit  of  no  misconstruction  ;  they  should  be       A  motion  was  made  to  lay  this  resolution  on 

applied  with  unbending  rigidity.  the  table,  and  this  was  carried,  yeas  138,  nays 

[Adopted,  239  to  23.]  120.     So  the  resolution  in  favor  of  a  railroad 

3.  Resolved,  That  the  great  highway  which   to  the  Pacific  was  rejected. 

nature,  as  well  as  the  assent  of  the  States  Subsequently  a  resolution  was  introduced 
most  immediately  interested  in  its  maintenance,  and  passed,  declaring  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the 
has  marked  out  for  a  free  communication  be-  general  government,  so  far  as  the  Constitution 
tween  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans,  con-  win  permit,  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  safe 
stitutes  one  of  the  most  ^  important  achieve-  overland  route  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pa- 
ments  realized  by  the  spirit  of  modern  times  cific  coasts, 
and  the  unconquerable  energy  of  our  people. 

That  result  should  be  secured  by  a  timely  and  -Let  the  reader  observe  how  cunningly  the 
efficient  exertion  of  the  control  which  we  have  slavery  resolutions  are  drawn  up  in  the  above 
the  right  to  claim  over  it,  and  no  power  on  platform  so  as  to  take  away  from  Congress  all 

;S£?££^^£e  *-  •>»  *-i  *  *  ^ 

it  may  suit  our  policy  to  establish  between  our  even  m  a  new  Statei  an(l  also  to  deny  io  the 
government  and  the  governments  of  the  States  people  themselves  of  a  Territory  the  right  to 
within  whose  dominions  it  lies.  We  can,  un-  forbid  slavery  there.  Here  every  thing  is  con- 

^noP^^r'T'f'TTl?"  °ur.PreP°.n-  ceded  to  the  South.     Observe  how  the  infa- 
clerance  in  the  adjustment  of  all  questions  ans-  T^ 

ing  out  of  it.  mous  Kansas  code  is  endorsed  ;  how  that  pre- 


posterous  and  novel  view  of  the  Monroe  doc-  olutions  constituting  the  platform  of  principlei 
trine,  held  by  the  Democratic  party,  is  asserted;  erected  by  the  convention      To  this  platform 
?            TXT  „            /,        i,     +v  I  intend  to  confine  myself  throughout  the  can- 
how  the  filibuster  Walker  is  taken $  by  the  vass,  believing  that  /  have  no\ight)  as  the 

hand  ;  and  how  the  Ostend  manifesto  is  adopt-  canciidate  of  the  Democratic  party,  by  answer 
ed  into  the  party  creed.  Are  the  American  ing  interrogatories,  to  present  new  and  differ- 
people  ready  for  all  this  ?  *nt  issues  before  the  people,  ^  ^  # 

PLATFORM  WHICH,  ACCORDING  TO  THE  The  agitation  on  the  question  of  domestic 
NEW  YORK  HERALD,  OUGHT  TO  HAVE  BEEN  •^J?  has  too  long  distracted  and  divided  the 
ADOPTED  BY  THE  DEMOCRATIC  NATIONAL  people  of  this  Union  and  alienated  their  affec- 
CONVENTION.— 1.  Resolved,  That  niggers,  tions  from  each  other.  This  agitation  has  as- 
pistols,  bowie  knives  and  bludgeons  are  the  sumed  many  forms  since  its  commencement, 
fundamental  principles  of  the  Democracy,  as  but  it  now  seems  to  be  directed  chiefly  to  the 
re-constructed  under  the  administration  of  our  Territories ;  and  judging  from  its  present  char- 
warlike  FRANKLIN  PIERCE,  by  our  dear  acter  I  think  we  may  safely  anticipate  that  it 
friends,  the  Southern  nigger-drivers.  >s  rapidly  approaching  a  «  finality/;  The  re- 

2.  Resolved,  That  the  freedom  of  speech  cent  legislation  of  Congress  respecting  domes- 
is  liable  to  abuses  even  in  the  United  States  tic  slavery,  derived,  as  it  has  ^been,  from  the 

ses  which  < 
cation  of  g 

J-iVsCftVA         VJl         CJJV^      OllGIlQlIlff           IJIMM.\.J        W»»J      JU*V         L».ltf          4.4-1.         JAiVJ  ^^          .                        *-",       ti*                       "/»                         Jl             T       "^                                                   "*1 

chair ;  and  that  in  thus  beating  an   Abolition  This  legislation  is  founded  upon  principles  as 

Senator  we  are  righteously  vindicating  the  ancient  as  free  government  itself,  and  in  ac- 
true  policy  of  the  «  unterrified  Democracy."  cordance  with  them,  has  simply  declared  that 

3.  Resolved,  That  the  killing  of  a  contemp-  the  people  of  a  Territory,  like  those  of  a  State, 
tible  Irish  waiter  holding  the  position  of  a  sha11  d*c^  for  themselves,  whether  slavery 


11 

nigger,  for  neglect  of  duty  or  impudence  to  a  *ft*£?;2l  ?*lst  Wlthin  Jtheir  limits> 
Democratic  guest  coming  down  to  a  late  .  The  Nebraska-Kansas  act  does  no  more  than 
breakfast,  is  a  proper  warning  to  the  whole  give  the  fo™e  of  law  to  thls  elementary  prm- 
Irish  race,  that  they  cannot  longer  expect  ciPle  of  self-government  ;  declaring  it  to  be 
to  ride  rou^h  shod  over  the  Democracy  of  "  the  true  mtent  and  meanmg  of  this  act  not 
the  Union.  °  to^legislate  slavery  into  any  Territory  or  State, 

4.  Resolved,  As  the  Constitution,  as  inter-  no>r  to  exclude  it  therefrom;  but  to  leave  the 
preted  by  our  Southern  teachers,  the  nigger-  people  thereof  perfectly  free^  to  form  and  reg- 
drivers,  has  already  established  African  Sla-  ulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own 
very  in  all  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  ™Y>  subJect  only  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
that  "Squatter  Sovereignty"  is  a  humbug,  that  United  ^ates.'  This  principle  will  surely 
General  Cass  is  a  humbug  considerably  behind  not  be  controverted  by  any  individual  of  any 
the  age,  and  that  all  Abolition  or  Free  State  Part7  professing  devotion  to  popular  govern- 
Squatters  should  be  expelled  from  Kansas,  ment-  -Besides,  how  vain  and  illusory  would 
if  necessary,  bv  fire  and  sword,  &c.,  &c.,  any  other  principle  prove  in  practice  in  regard 

to  the  Territories  !     This  is  apparent  from  the 
fact  admitted  by  all,  that  after  a  Territory  shall 


Extracts  from  Mr^Bucbajian's  Better  of  AC-  have  entere(j  fte  Union  and  become  a   State, 

no  constitutional  power  would  then  exist  which 

Wheailand,  near  Lancaster,   |  couid  prevent  it  from  either  abolishing  or 

June  16,  1856.     y  establishing  slavery,  as  the  case  may  be,  accord- 

Gentlemen,  —  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowl-  ing  to  its  sovereign  will  and  pleasure. 

edge  the  receipt  of  your  communication  of  the  Most  happy  would  it  be  for  the  country  if 

13th  instant,  informing    me  officially  of  my  this  long  agitation  were  at  an  end.     During 

nomination  by  the  Democratic  National  Con-  its  whole  progress  it  has  produced  no  practical 

vention  recently  held  atCincinnati,  as  the  Dem-  good  to  any  human  being,  whilst  it   has  been 

ocratic  candidate  for  the  office  cf  President  of  the  source  of  great  and  dangerous  evils.    It 

the  United  States.  has  alienated  and  estranged  one  portion  of  the 

*     ^  *  _      *        *        *  Union  from  the  other,  and  has  even  seriously 

In  accepting  the  nomination,  I  need  scarce-  threatened  its  very  existence-     To  my  own 

ly  say  that  I  accept  in  the  same  spirit  the  res-  personal  knowledge,  it  has  produced  the  im- 


10 

pression  among  foreign  nations  that  our  great  acceptable  to  me  at  first,  it  is  still  more  so  now, 

and  glorious  confederacy  is  in  constant  danger  since  I  have  seen  him  and  heard  him  speak, 

of  dissolution.     This  does  us  serious  injury,  The   Committee,  of  which  I  was  one,  waited 

because    acknowledged  power    and  stability  on  him  at  his  residence  to  give  him  formal  and 

always  command  respect  among  nations,  and  official  notice  of  his  nomination,  and,  in  the 

are  among  the  best  securities  against  unjust  name  of  the  National  Democracy,  to  request 

aggression  and  in  favor  of  the  maintenance  of  his  acceptance  of  it.    We  found  him  open,, 

honorable  peace.     ******  frank,  and  wholly  undisguised  in  the  expres- 

.        i  sion  of  his  sentiments. 

From  the  N.  Y.  Evening  Post.  Mr.  Buchanan  said,  in  the  presence  of  all 

Buchanan's  very  latest  opinion  on  Kansas  who  had  assembled,  —  and  they  were  from  the 

ana  Cuba.  North  and  the  South,  the  East  and  the  West, 

The  Buchanier  presses  at  the  North  are  in  — that  he  stood  uPon  the  Cincinnati  platform, 

the  habit  of  insinuating  that  Mr.  Buchanan  is  and  endorsed  every  part  of  it.    He  was  explicit 

conservative  in  his  notions ;  that  he  does  not  m  his  remarks  on  its  slavery  features,  saying 

really  approve  of  the  policy  of  the  adminis-  that  the  slavery  issue  was  the  absorbing  element 

tration  in  Kansas ;  that  he  did  not  mean  what  in  the  canvass.    He  recognized  to  its  fullest 

he  said  in  the  Ostend  circular,  and  that  in  his  extent  the  overshadowing  importance  of  that  is- 

foreign  policy,  if  elected,  he  would  be  entirely  su,e'>  and>  if  elected,  he  would  make  it  the  great 

pacific.  a'im  °f  h*s  administration  to  settle  the  question 

The  Journal  of  Commerce  is  in  the  habit  of  uPon  such  terms  as  snould  g'lve  peace  and  safe- 
playing  this  tune  among  its  commercial  read-  *7  t(>  tne  Union,  and  security  to  the  South, 
ers,  and  there  are  some  who  are  charmed  by  He  sPo1ce  m  ierms  °f  decided  commenda- 
it.  We  have  always  maintained  that  this  was  tion  °fthe  Kansas  bill,  and  as  pointedly  depre- 
a  delusion;  that  Buchanan  is  now  what  he  cated  the  unworthy  efforts  of  sectional  agitation 
always  was ;  that  he  is  led  by  the  same  des-  to  get  UP  a  national  conflagration  on  that  ques- 
perate  class  of  men  as  formerly,  and  that  no  tion-  After  the  passage  of  the  compromise 
more  faith  can  be  placed  in  his  principles  or  measures  of  1850,  the  Kansas  bill  was,  he  said, 
his  professions  now,  than  when  he  told  Gener-  necessary  to  harmonize  our  legislation  in  refer- 
al  Jackson  of  the  bargain  between  Henry  ence  to  the  Territories ;  and  he  expressed  his 
Clay  and  President  Adams,  in  the  existence  surprise  that  there  should  appear  anywhere  an 
of  which  he  afterwards  admitted  he  had  no  organized  opposition  to  the  Kansas  bill,  after 
faith,  the  general  acquiescence  which  the  whole 

That  he  is  the  same  man  he  always  was ;  country  had  expressed   in  the  measures  of 

that  he  has  pledged  himself  to  the  nationaliza-  1850. 

tion  of  slavery  ;  that  he  still  sticks  to  the  high-  Affer  thus  speaking  of  Kansas  and  the 
wayman's  plea  set  up  at  Ostend;  and  if  elected,  slavery  issues,  Mr.  Buchanan  passed  to  our 
would  esteem  it  among  the  contingent  duties  foreign  policy.  He  approved  in  general  terms 
of  his  position  to  take  Cuba  by  force,  happily  °f  ^e  Cincinnati  resolutions  on  this  subject  ; 
does  not  rest  now  upon  presumption  nor  in-  but  said,  that,  while  enforcing  our  own  policy, 
ference  merely.  He  has  stated  his  opinions  ^  must  at  all  times  scrupulously  regard  the 
upon  both  these  points  most  explicitly,  and  Just  rights  and  proper  policy  of  other  nations, 
evidently  with  the'intent  that  they  should  be  He  was  not  opposed  to  territorial  extension, 
made  public,  to  Senator  Brown,  of  Mississippi,  All  our  acquisitions  had  been  fairly  and  honor- 
who  has  given  an  account  of  the  interview  to  abl7  made.  Our  necessities  might  require  us  to 
one  of  his  constituents.  Here  is  the  letter.  *Mfe  other  acquisitions.  He  regarded  the  ac- 
Will  the  Journal  of  Commerce  please  give  its  quisition  of  Cuba  as  very  desirable  now,  and  it 
commercial  readers  an  opportunity  of  reading  was  likely  to  become  a  national  necessity.  When- 
it,  and  of  becoming  as  enlightened  about  Mr.  ever  we  could  obtain  the  island  on  fair,  honor- 
Buchanan's  opinions  as  the^Mississippian  con-  able  terms,  he  was  for  taking  it.  But  he  added, 
stituents  of  Mr.  Senator  Brown.  ^  would  be  a  terrible  necessity  that  would  in 
duce  me  to  sanction  any  movement  that  would 

LETTER  FROM  iiON  A.  G.  BROWN.  bring  reproach  upon  us,  or  tarnish  the  honor 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  June  18.  and  glory  of  our  beloved  country. 

My  dear  Sir,  —  I  congratulate  you  on  the  After  the  formal  interview  was  over,  Mr. 

nomination  of  your  favorite  candidate  for  the  Buchanan  said  playfully,  but  in  the  presence 

Presidency.  of  the  whole  audience,  "  IF  I  CAN  BE  IN- 

If  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Buchanan   was  STRUMENTAL    IN     SETTLING    THE 


11 


SLAVERY  QUESTION  UPON  THE 
TERMS  I  HAVE  NAMED,  AND  THEN 
ADD  CUBA  TO  THE  UNION,  I  SHALL 
IF  PRESIDENT,  BE  WILLING  TO  GIVE 
UP  THE  GPIOST,  AND  LET  BRECKIN- 
RIDGE  TAKE  THE  GOVERNMENT." 
Could  there  be  a  more  noble  ambition  ?  You 
may  well  be  proud  of  your  early  choice  of  a 
candidate,  and  congratulate  yourself  that  no 
adverse  influences  ever  moved  you  an  inch 
from  your  stern  purpose  of  giving  tKe  great 
Pennsylvania  a  steady,  earnest,  and  cordial 
support.  In  my  judgment  HE  IS  AS  WOR 
THY  OF  SOUTHERN  CONFIDENCE 
AND  SOUTHERN  VOTES  AS  MR.  CAL- 
HOUN  EVER  WAS;  and  in  saying  this  I 
do  not  mean  to  intimate  that  Mr.  Buchanan 
has  any  sectional  prejudices  in  our  favor.  I 
only  mean  to  say  that  he  has  none  against  us, 
and  that  we  may  rely  with  absolute  certainty 
on  receiving  full  justice,  according  to  the  Con 
stitution,  at  his  hands. 

Knowing  your  long,  laborious  and  faithful 
adherence  to  the  fortunes  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  I 
have  thought  it  proper  to  address  you  this  let 
ter,  to  give  you  assurance  that  you  had  not 
mistaken  your  man,  nor  failed  in  the  perfor 
mance  of  a  sacred  and  filial  duty  to  the  South. 
In  doing  so  I  violate  no  confidence. 
Very  truly,  your  friend, 

A.  G.  BROWN. 
To  Hon.  S.  R.  ADAMS. 

This  statement  of  the  views  and  purposes  of 
Mr.  Buchanan,  gives  new  importance  to  the 
celebrated  Ostend  Manifesto,  from  which  the 
following  is  an  extract : 

"  After  we  shall  have  offered  Spain  a  price 
for  Cuba/ar  beyond  its  present  value,  and  this 
shall  have  been  refused,  it  will  then  be  time  to 
consider  the  question,  Does  Cuba,  in  the  pos 
session  of  Spain,  seriously  endanger  our  inter 
nal  peace  and  the  existence  of  our  cherished 
Union  ?  Should  this  question  be  answered  in 
the  affirmative,  then  by  every  law,  human  and 
divine,  we  shall  be  justified  in  wresting  it  from 
Spain  if  we  possess  the  power." 


Mr.  Buchanan's  Record. 

The  Richmond  Enquirer  thus  endorses  Bu 
chanan  :  — 

"  In  private  as  well  as  in  public,  Mr.  Buchan 
an  has  always  stood  on  the  side  of  the  South. 
The  citizen  and  the  statesman  are  one  and  the 
same  individual.  He  supported  the  rights  of 
the  South  when  in  office  ;  he  vindicated  and 
maintained  those  rights  when  out  of  office. 
He  not  only  voted  for  all  measures  of  justice 


to  the  South,  but  he  endeavored  to  carry  them 
into  effect.  His  is  not  a  dead  record  of  votes, 
but  a  living  record  of  acts,  which  vindicate 
the  honesty  of  the  votes.  Thus,  Mr.  Buchan 
an  exhorted  the  North  to  a  faithful  and  cheer 
ful  fulfilment  of  the  obligations  of  the  fugitive 
slave  law.  He  protested  against  the  prohibi 
tion  of  the  jails  in  Pennsylvania  to  federal  offi 
cers  for  the  confinement  of  captured  slaves. 
He  denounced  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  He  ap 
proved  the  Clayton  Compromise  of  1847. 
And,  to  sum  up  in  a  single  sentence,  he  has  at 
all  times  and  in  all  places  exerted  the  authority 
of  his  high  character  and  great  talents  to  uphold 
the  Union,  defend  the  Constitution,  and  protect 
the  South. 

To  recapitulate :  — 

1.  In  1836,  Mr.  Buchanan  supported  a  bill 
to  prohibit  the  circulation  of  abolition  papers 
through  the  mails. 

2.  In  the  same  year  he  proposed  and  voted 
for  the  admission  of  Arkansas. 

3.  In  1836-7,  he  denounced,  and  voted  to 
reject  petitions  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia. 

4.  In  1837,  he  voted  for  Mr.  Calhoun's  fa 
mous  resolutions,   defining   the  rights  of  the 
States  and  the  limits  of  federal  authority,  and 
affirming  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  government  to 
protect  and  uphold  the  institutions  of  the  South. 

^5.  In  1838-9  and  '40,  he  invariably  voted 
with  Southern  Senators  against  the  considera 
tion  of  anti-slavery  petitions. 

6.  In  1844-5  he  advocated  and  voted  for  the 
annexation  of  Texas. 

7.  In  1847  he  sustained  the  Clayton   Com 
promise. 

8.  In  1850,  he  proposed  and  urged  the  exten 
sion  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean. 

9.  But  he  promptly  acquiesced  in  the  Com 
promise  of  1850,  and  employed  all   his  influ 
ence  in  favor  of  the  faithful  execution  of  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law. 

10.  In  1851,  he  remonstrated  against  an 
enactment  of  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature  for 
obstructing  the  arrest  and  return  of  fugitive 
slaves. 

11.  In  1854,  he  negotiated  for  the  acquisi 
tion  of  Cuba. 

12.  In  1856,  he  approves  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  restriction,  and  supports    the  prin 
ciples  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act. 

13.  He  never  gave  a  vote  against  the  inter 
ests  of  Slavery,  and  never  uttered  a  word  which 
could  pain  the  most  sensitive  Southern  heart. 

The  prominent  facts  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  re 
cord  touching  slavery  are  thus  grouped  into  a 


single  view ;  so  that  a  person  of  the  least  pa 
tience  in  research,  may  ascertain  at  a  glance 
how  the  Democratic  candidate  stands  in  respect 
to  the  great  issue  of  the  canvass.  In  this  suc 
cinct  statement,  we  give  not  detached  passages 
and  isolated  acts ;  but  we  bring  the  whole 
history  of  a  long  life  to  bear  upon  the  popular 
mind  with  the  irresistible  force  of  truth.  This 
rapid  retrospect  discloses  a  consistency  and  ef 
ficiency  of  service  to  the  South,  which  flattery 
can  claim  for  no  other  living  man.  Mr.  Bu 
chanan  is  not  only  vindicated  from  calumny; 
he  is  not  simply  shown  to  be  exempt  from  just 
reproach  and  worthy  of  confidence  ;  he  is  pro 
moted  to  his  proper  position,  in  advance  of 
any  and  every  statesman  of  the  North,  in  tlie 
confidence  and  affection  of  the  people  of  the 
South.  He  demands  not  a  mere  recognition  of 
his  attachment  to  the  Constitution,  but  un 
bounded  applause  for  such  service  in  the  inter 
est  of  the  South  as  no  other  man  can  boast. 
Against  the  captious  criticism  of  a  desperate 
adversary,  refining  upon  technical  distinctions 
and  skulking  among  quibbles,  the  Democracy 
oppose  this  incontestable  attestation  of  their 
candidate's  fidelity.  "  And  again. 

"  We  challenge  the  Whig  to  cite  a  single 
instance  of  a  clear  and  unequivocal  struggle 
between  North  and  South,  in  which  Mr.  Bu 
chanan  did  not  espouse  the  interests  of  the 
South." 

But  after  all  his  subserviency,  Buchanan  is 
not  likely  to  be  elected,  if  we  may  believe  that 
rank  pro-slavery  sheet,  the  St.  Louis  Intelli- 
gencer,  which  says : 

u  Buchanan  has  scarcely  the  shadow  of  a 
prospect  of  beating  Fremont.  He  cannot  do  it. 
Buchanan  is  a  doomed  and  defeated  man.  As 
surely  as  Cass  was  borne  down  and  defeated 
in  1848,  so  will  Buchanan  be  defeated  now. 
He  will  never  sit  in  the  Presidential  chair. 
Buchanan  will  not  get  a  single  New  England 
State.  He  will  lose  New  York  and  Ohio  by 
nearly  100,000  minority.  His  stronghold  of 
Pennsylvania  is  torn  from  him,  and  nothing  is 
more  certain  than  his  inglorious  defeat  in  his 
own  State.  In  all  the  Northwest  Buchanan 
is  as  dead  as  an  Egyptian  mummy,  buried  a 
thousand  years  ago.  He  will  not  get  a  single 
State  north  of  the  Ohio  river  or  west  of  the 
Lakes.  He  will  be  overwhelmingly  defeated  in 
the  Northwest.  His  own  partisans  there  feel 
it  and  know  it.  The  Southern  States  are  Bu 
chanan's  only  hope ;  but  the  South,  unaided, 
cannot  elect  him,  and,  what  is  more,  they  do 
not  care  to  elect  him.  The  South  does  not  re- 


speet  or  trust  Buchanan.     They  have  no  con 
fidence  in  him." 


Gen.   Sam  Houston  on  the   Presidency. 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  July  21,  1856. 
My  dear  Sir,  — Your  letter  of  the  27th  of 
June  ult,  addressed  to  me  at  Huntsville,  did 
not  reach  me  until  my  arrival  here.  I  thank 
you  for  your  kind  sentiments,  and  I  assure  you 
I  reciprocate  all  that  you  have  expressed. 
Any  apology  was  unnecessary  for  addressing 
me  on  political  subjects,  as  they  are  now  so 
interesting  to  the  public,  as  well  as  to  indivi 
duals.  I  thank  you  for  your  views  and  sug 
gestions,  and  will  render  mine  with  perfect 
freedom  and  fidelity.  You  say,  in  speaking  of 
yourself,  that,  "  having  been  reared  almost  be 
neath  the  shades  of  the  Hermitage,  and  in 
every  sense  a  Democrat,  I  feel  all  the  reverence 
and  confidence  in  the  principles  and  integrity 
of  the  motives  that  actuated  Gen.  Jackson  in 
his  political  course  that  I  should  do.  The 
issues  formerly  dividing  the  old  Whig  and 
Democratic  parties  may  no  longer  be  said  to 
exist ;  yet  there  is  a  difference  in  principle, 
arising  out  of  the  interpretation  of  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States,  that  must  continue 
to  exist  as  long  as  our  present  form  of  govern 
ment  continues." 

Now,  let  us  reflect  for  a  moment,  and  ob 
serve  that  I  too,  if  not  reared  "  beneath  the 
shades  of  the  Hermitage,"  was  taught  under 
the  pure,  vigorous,  and  national  Democratic 
teachings  of  the  revered  and  brave  old  chief, 
whose  wisdom  brought  honesty,  purity,  and 
vigor  into  the  public  service,  with  strength, 
love  of  union,  honor,  and  renown  to  the  whole 
country.  I  marched  with  that  old  chief,  and 
kept  step  with  his  Democracy,  throughout  his 
public  life;  and,  since  he  departed,  1  have  nev 
er  deviated  for  a  moment  from  his  principles  ; 
—  and,  I  tell  you,  you  can  say  most  truly  that 
not  only  the  issues  formerly  dividing  the  old 
Whig  and  Democratic  parties  can  no  longer  be 
said  to  have  any  practical  existence,  but  that 
those  parties  themselves  have  no  distinctive 
character.  They  have  faded,  become  extinct, 
and  expired. 

One,  the  Whig  party,  lives  only  in  the  memo 
ry  of  its  great  name,  its  great  abilities,  and  its 
great  failures  to  accomplish  practical  results  ; 
the  other,  although  it  retains  the  name  of  De 
mocracy,  has  no  memories  to  which  the  present 
organization  can  refer  without  a  blush  of  shame. 
The  Democracy  of  to-day  is  a  "  compound  "  of 
heterogeneous  materials;  it  has  dwindled  down 
to  mere  sectionalism,  and  is  now  but  a  faction- 


13 


It  has  lost  the  principle  of  cohesion,  and  boasts 
no  longer  a  uniform  policy.  When  it  followed 
with  us  the  flag  of  the  "  old  chief,"  it  had  a 
consistency  of  principle  and  firmness  of  pur 
pose  which  always  accompany  a  clear  convic 
tion  of  right.  It  had  clear  heads,  patriotic 
hearts,  and  clean  hands,  ever  ready  in  its  sup 
port.  It  spoke  wisdom  and  quiet  at  home,  and 
every  section  rejoiced  in  our  general  prosperi 
ty  ;  it  announced  its  foreign  policy,  and  nego 
tiations  abroad  were  no  farther  necessary  than 
to  communicate  that  announcement. 

Where  is  that  Democracy  to-day  ?  Swallow 
ed  up  in  unmitigated  squatter  sovereignty — in 
sectional  bickerings  and  disputes  —  in  disre 
garding  compacts  between  the  different  sections 
of  the  "Union,  the  repeal  of  which  has  led  to  in 
surrection  in  Kansas  —  in  getting  up  Indian 
wars  wherever  Indians  could  be  found,  as  a 
pretext  for  increasing  the  regular  army,  the 
estimated  expenses  of  which,  at  this  time,  are 
$12,000,000  per  annum,  when  $300,000,  ju 
diciously  expended,  would  secure  peace  with 
every  Indian  Tribe  on  the  continent,  and  in 
duce  them  to  embrace  the  arts  of  civilization. 

The  foreign  policy  of  the  present  Democratic 
President  has  been  far  from  creditable  to  our 
government.  It,  too,  has  shown  a  disposition 
to  court  an  alien  influence  to  sustain  it,  while 
it  has  declared  and  practised  relentless  pro 
scription  against  native-born  American  citi 
zens.  I  will  pursue  this  point  no  further. 
To  ruminate  upon  it  is  painful  enough  for  a 
man  who  loves  his  country,  but  when  called 
upon  by  friends,  I  feel  it  due  to  them  to  ex 
press  my  sentiments  plainly.  You  and  I,  and 
tens  of  thousands  of  old  Democrats  who  were 
the  true  covenanters  under  Jackson,  wash  our 
hands  of  these  absurdities,  follies  and  eviden 
ces  of  culpable  mismanagement. 


From  the  New  York  Evening  Post. 
How  Buchanan  hopes  to  get  in. 

At  present  it  is  pretty  manifest  that  Mr. 
Buchanan  and  his  friends  are  thinking  to 
throw,  or  rather  thrust,  the  election  of  Presi 
dent  into  the  House  of  Representatives.  If 
they  can  succeed  in  preventing  an  election 
by  the  people,  it  is  as  much  as  the  shrewder 
ones  among  them,  we  are  persuaded,  allow 
themselves  to  hope. 

The  House  of  Representatives  is  singularly 
constituted.  The  majority  represent  a  con 
stituency  strongly  hostile  to  the  extension  of 
slavery,  but  the  representatives,  as  is  often 
the  case  in  public  bodies,  are  not  all  in  agree 
ment  with  their  constituents.  There  are  men 
in  Congress  representing  districts  where  the 


hostility  to  the  propagation  of  slavery  is  in 
tense,  and  who  yet  vote  with  the  South.  There 
are  other  Representatives  of  similar  districts 
who  often  vote  perversely,  as  if  they  sought  to 
favor  the  plans  of  the  slaveholders  by  getting 
up  little  factions  of  their  own  among  the  friends 
of  freedom  in  the  Territories.  There  is  conse 
quently  but  a  bare  majority  for  the  rroht  side 
in  the  House,  a  majority  which  lies  at  the  mer 
cy  of  accident,  or  of  a  subtler  and  still  more 
potent  cause  than  accident — corruption.  In 
a  body  of  men  where  the  majority  to  overcome 
is  so  very  small,  and  so  many  members  of 
•which  have  already  proved  faithless  to  their 
constituents,  the  chances  of  succeeding  by 
corruption  would  seem  to  a  politician  who 
makes  no  scruple  of  resorting  to  such  methods, 
well  worth  trying. 

Suppose,  then,  Mr.  Buchanan  accomplishes 
the  object  of  getting  the  election  into  the 
House  of  Representatives,  what  steps  will  be 
taken  to  secure  its  vote  ?  What  terms  will 
he  propose,  what  offers  does  he  stand  ready  to 
make,  to  shift  the  majority  over  to  his  side  ? 
The  reply  is  to  be  found  in  Mr.  Buchanan's 
past  history.  We  will  not  judge  him  by  any 
suspicions  of  our  own,  but  by  his  past  conduct, 
and  Andrew  Jackson  shall  be  our  witness. 
The  following  letter  of  General  Jackson, 
which  we  have  already  laid  before  our  read 
ers,  but  which  is  important  enough  to  bear  re- 
publication,  and  the  original  of  which  is  in  the 
hands  of  the  editor  of  the  Nashville  Banner, 
informs  us  by  what  means  Mr.  Buchanan  will 
seek  to  operate  upon  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives. 

"  HERMITAGE,  February  28, 1845. 

"  Your  observations  with  regard  to  Mr.  Buchan 
an  are  correct.  He  showed  a  want  of  moral  cour 
age  in  the  affair  of  the  intrigue  of  Adams  and 
Clay — did  not  do  me  justice  in  the  expose  he  then 
made,  and  I  am  sure  about  that  time  did  believe 
there  was  a  perfect  understanding  between  Adams 
and"  Clay  about  the  Presidency  and  the  Secretary 
of  State.  This  I  am  sure  of.  But  whether  he 
viewed  that  there  was  any  corruption  or  not,  I 
know  not,  but  one  thing  I  do  know,  that  he  wished 
me  to  combat  them  with  their  own  weapons — that 
was,  to  let  my  friends  say  if  I  was  elected  I  would 
make  Mr.  Clay  Secretary  of  State.  This,  to  me 
appeared  gross  corruption,  and  I  repelled  it  with 
that  honest  indignation  as  (which)  I  thought  it 
deserved." 

We  do  not  republish  this  letter  for  the  sake 
of  recalling  the  memory  of  feuds  which  are 
now  forgotten.  The  recollection  of  what  Gen 
eral  Jackson  in  this  letter  calls  "  the  intrigue 
of  Adams  and  Clay  "  may  well  be  allowed  to 
sleep.  Adams  was  a  virtuous  man,  capable 
of  confronting  any  danger,  and  making  any 


14 


sacrifice  in  what  lie  esteemed  a  good  cause. 
Clay  was  a  man  of  noble  and  generous  nature, 
and  it  may  well  be  that  General  Jackson's 
suspicions  of  an  improper  understanding  be 
tween  them  arose  from  his  first  hearing  from 
Mr.  Buchanan  the  proposal  that  he  should 
puschase  Mr.  Clay's  support  and  influence  by 
a  promise  to  make  him  Secretary  of  State, 
and  finding  Mr.  Clay  afterwards  appointed  to 
that  office  by  Mr.  Adams.  The  bare  suspicion 
of  that  "  bargain,"  as  it  was  called,  greatly 
prejudiced  both  those  eminent  men  in  the 
opinion  of  the  public,  and  affected  their  pop 
ularity  for  years.  Against  Mr.  Buchanan,  un 
fortunately  for  him,  there  is  something  more 
than  suspicion — he  gave  directly  and  distinct 
ly  the  advice  that  General  Jackson  should 
make  the  very  arrangement  with  Mr.  Clay, 
which  both  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Clay  always 
indignantly  denied  that  they  ever  made  with 
each  other.  If  General  Jackson,  instead  of 
repelling  this  base  suggestion  with  that  honest 
warmth  which  was  natural  to  his  character, 
had  listened  to  it,  Buchanan  was  ready  to  con 
vey  the  offer  to  Mr.  Clay.  Pie  saw  nothing  in 
it  to  shock  his  moral  delicacy,  whatever  Gen. 
Jackson  or  Mr.  Clay  might. 

No  politician  once  corrupted,  is  ever  weaned 
from  his  bad  courses  by  time.  The  cheek  that 
has  once  learned  not  to  blush  never  blushes 
again.  Years  of  association  with  such  crea 
tures  as  Mr.  Buchanan's  political  agents — 
among  them  it  is  known  are  some  of  the  most 
profligate  of  men — have  not  given  him  a  more 
sensitive  conscience.  If  he  was  ready  to  enter 
into  a  corrupt  bargain  in  1824,  he  will,  of 
course,  have  no  scruple  now ;  and  if  instruments 
are  wanted  to  work  upon  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  he  has  them  already  in  his  service. 
If  place  and  emolument  can  buy  votes  in  that 
body,  they  will  be  bought.  One  man  will  be 
offered  a  foreign  mission,  another  a  place  in 
the  Cabinet,  another  a  collectorship,  and  half 
a  dozen  bribes  of  that  kind,  if  members  can  be 
found  to  take  them,  who  will  do  the  business. 

The  course  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  if,  by  any 
skill  of  his  partisans,  the  election  should  be  de 
volved  upon  the  House  of  Representatives,  is 
clearly  foreshadowed  in  the  suggestion  which 
he  made  to  General  Jackson,  and  which  gave 
that  great  and  honest  man  a  bad  opinion  of 
him  for  life.  We  know  from  it  what  Buchan 
an  will  do  if  he  is  one  of  the  candidates  before 
the  House ;  and  if  he  should  succeed  in  obtain 
ing  a  majority  of  the  votes,  we  shall  know  to 
what  means  the  success  is  owincr. 


From  Correspondence  of  the  Washington  Organ,  Aug.  11. 

Gen.   Jack  MO  ii  and  Mr.  Buchanan. 

THE   BARGAIN   AND   INTRIGUE  SLANDER   OX 

MR.   CLAY. 

NASHVILLE,  August  6,  1856. 
In  the  Republican  Banner,  of  this  city,  of 
the  2  2d  of  June  last,  there  appeared  an  able 
editorial  fixing  upon  Mr.  Buchanan  the  author 
ship  of  the  bargain  and  intrigue  slander  which 
wrought  so  much  injury  upon  Henry  Clay. 
In  the  article  the  following  extracts  of  a  letter 
from  Gen.  Jackson  to  Major  William  B.  Lew 
is,  an  old  and  revered  friend  of  the  departed 
chieftain,  were  quoted  to  show  in  what  light 
Mr.  Buchanan's  conduct  was  regarded  by  Gen. 
Jackson : 

GEN.  JACKSON   TO   MAJOR   W.   B.   LEWIS. 

"  HERMITAGE,  February  28,  1845. 
"  Your  observations  with  regard  to  Mr.  Bu 
chanan  are  correct.  He  showed  a  want  of 
moral  courage  in  the  affair  of  the  intrigue  of 
Adams  and  Clay,  did  not  do  me  justice  in  the 
expose  he  there  made,  and  /  am  sure  about 
that  time  did  believe  there  was  a  perfect  under 
standing  between  Adams  and  Clay  about  the 
Presidency  and  the  Secretary  of  State.  THIS 
I  AM  SURE  OF.  But  whether  he  viewed  that 
there  was  any  corruption  in  the  case  or  not,  I 
know  not ;  but  one  thing  I  do  know,  that  he 
wished  me  to  combat  them  with  their  own  weap 
ons  ;  that  was,  to  let  my  friends  say,  if  I  was 
elected  1  would  make  Mr.  Clay  Secretary  of 
State.  This  to  me  appeared  deep  corruption, 
and  I  repelled  it  with  that  honest  indignation  as 
I  thought  it  deserved. 

"ANDREW  JACKSON." 

This  letter  fell  with  crushing  effect  upon  the 
Buchanan  Democracy  here,  and  notwithstand 
ing  all  their  efforts  to  break  its  force,  it  is  still 
doing  mischief  to  them  and  the  cause  of  Mr. 
Buchanan.  In  their  extremity  they  called  in 
the  aid  of  Andrew  Jackson,  Jr.,  who  intimated 
that  the  letter  did  not  express  the  real  senti 
ments  of  Gen.  Jackson  —  that  he  wrote  it  un 
der  "  irritation,"  &c.  The  question  then  arose, 
what  was  it  that  could  have  so  "  irritated  "  the 
General  that  he  deliberately  put  on  record 
what  his  adopted  son  declares  is  not  his  real 
opinion  of  Mr.  Buchanan  ?  What  was  it  that 
made  the  old  chief  belie,  in  the  opinion  of  his 
adopted  son,  the  honest  sentiments  of  his  heart  ? 
The  American  party  had  no  means  of  know 
ing —  they  had  no  copy  of  Major  Lewis's  let 
ter  to  Gen.  Jackson ;  but  the  Patriot,  one  of 
the  American  papers  here,  succeeded,  after  in 
flicting  a  terrible  lashing  on  the  adopted  son, 
in  drawing  the  desired  information  from  him  ! 


15 


In  the  Nashville  Union  and  American  of  the 
9th  of  July,  Andrew  Jackson,  Jr.,  appeared 
in  a  long  letter,  and  introduces  the  following: 

LETTER  FROM   MAJOR  W.  B.  LEWIS  TO  GEN. 
JACKSON. 

"WASHINGTON,  February  17, 1845. 

"  My  dear  General :  Your  two  confidential 
and  very  interesting  letters  of  the  4th  and  5th 
instant  have  been  received  and  disposed  of 
as  requested.  I  am  happy  to  say  that  I  am 
entirely  satisfied,  and  so  is  Mr.  Blair,  with  the 
gentlemen  who  it  is  supposed  will  constitute 
the  new  Cabinet.  Mr.  Blair  and  myself  both 
think  it  doubtful,  however,  whether  Mr.  Bu 
chanan  will  accept  upon  the  terms  proposed,  (he 
should  not  be  appointed  unless  he  does,)  as  he 
is  full  of  the  idea  as  stated  to  you  in  my  pre 
vious  letters,  of  being  a  candidate  for  the  suc 
cession.  If  he  should  not  accept,  I  suppose 
the  State  Department  will  then  be  offered  to 
Mr.  Stephenson.  With  or  without  Mr.  Bu 
chanan,  however,  I  think  the  Cabinet  will  be 
an  able  one,  and  fully  entitled  to,  and  doubt 
less  will  receive,  the  confidence  of  the  nation. 

"  The  truth  is,  General,  I  have  never  had 
any  very  great  respect  for  Mr.  Buchanan,  and 
of  late  I  have  even  had  less  than  formerly. 
He  did  not  come  out  upon  the  subject  of  that 
'  bargain,  intrigue  and  corruption '  charge  upon 
Messrs.  Clay  and  Adams  in  1825,  as  he  ought 
to  have  done,  and  as  was  expected  of  him. 
Besides,  I  have  heard  him  say,  not  more  than 
a  month  ago,  that  he  did  not,  and  never  had,  be 
lieved  there  was  any  truth  in  the  charge.  This 

occurred  at  Mr. 's  dinner  table,  and  the 

remarks  were  addressed  to  Judge  Mangum, 
the  President  of  the  Senate.    But  having  taken 
place  at  the  time  and  place  when  it  did,  I  have 
said  nothing  about  it  to  any  one.     *    *    * 
"  W.  B.  LEWIS." 

With  this  letter  before  the  public,  Gen. 
Jackson's  "  irritation  "  is  very  easily  accounted 
for.  No  doubt  he  was  indignant,  excessively 
indignant,  when  he  learned  that  Mr.  Buchanan, 
upon  whose  authority  he  had  made  the  charge 
of  bargain  and  intrigue  against  Mr.  Clay,  had 
declared  he  "  did  not  and  NEVER  HAD  BE 
LIEVED  there  was  ANY  TRUTH  IN  THE 
CHARGE  !"  But  indignant  as  he  might  have 
been,  who  will  believe  that  he,  in  his  letter 
above  to  Major  Lewis,  wrote  what  were  not 
his  honest  sentiments  ? 

Unable  to  meet  and  confute  the  damning 
evidences  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  guilt,  furnished 
by  Gen.  Jackson,  attempts  have  been  made  to 
discredit  the  authenticity  of  the  letter  to  Major 


Lewis.  This  has  not  been  openly  done  here, 
for  the  reason  that  the  letter  is  in  this  city,  open 
to  the  inspection  of  any  one  tvho  wishes  to  see  it. 
But  it  has  been  done  abroad.  One  of  these 
attempts  was  made  by  the  Washington  Union 
in  the  following  article  : 

From  the  Washington  Union  of  July  19, 1856. 
GENERAL  JACKSON  AND  MR.  BUCHANAN. 

"  The  most  disreputable  attempt  that  has 
been  made  to  injure  Mr.  Buchanan,  is  that 
which  seeks  to  make  the  impression  that  Gen 
eral  Jackson  lacked  confidence  in  him  on  ac 
count  of  his  conduct  in  the  unfortunate  diffi 
culty  as  to  the  charge  of  bargain  and  corrup 
tion  '  which  grew  out  of  the  election  of  Mr. 
Adams  in  1825.  We  have  already  published 
two  letters  from  General  Jackson's  son,  An 
drew  Jackson,  in  which  he  triumphantly  vin 
dicates  the  memory  of  his  father,  and  entirely 
refutes  the  allegation  that  Mr.  Buchanan  did 
not  enjoy  his  entire  confidence.  It  will  be  re 
membered  that  Andrew  Jackson  was  induced 
to  appeal  to  the  public  in  consequence  of  the 
disgraceful  violation  of  all  decency  and  pro 
priety  of  the  publication  of  certain  confidential 
letters  of  his  father.  One  of  these  private 
letters,  an  extract  of  which  was  so  published, 
purported  to  bear  date,  late  in  February,  1845, 
and  in  this  extract  General  Jackson  alludes  in 
terms  of  dissatisfaction  to  the  conduct  of  Mr. 
Buchanan  in  the  affair  before  referred  to. 

"  We  now  have  infoi'mation  from  Nashville, 
Tennessee,  that  the  person  who  has  thus  vio 
lated  General  Jackson's  confidence,  and  furn 
ished  for  political  effect  what  purports  to  be 
an  extract  from  one  of  his  private  letters,  is 
Major  W.  B.  Lewis.  The  gentleman  who 
gives  us  this  information  was  one  of  the  most 
intimate  of  General  Jackson's  friends,  and  a 
member  of  Mr.  Folk's  Cabinet.  In  regard  to 
the  alleged  extract  he  says  :  '  I  shall  not  be 
lieve  that  he  (Gen.  Jackson)  ever  so  expressed 
himself  until  I  see  the  letter  in  his  own  hand 
writing.  Such  tricksters  could  easily  add  to 
or  erase  a  word  which  would  entirely  change 
the  whole  meaning  of  a  sentence.'  As  we  un 
derstand  the  matter,  the  whole  credit  to  be 
given  to  the  extract  rests  upon  the  assertion  of 
Major  Lewis,  that  he  has  furnished  the  copy 
of  it  for  publication.  By  the  very  fact  of  thus 
abusing  the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by 
General  Jackson,  he  forfeits  all  claim  to  cred 
ibility. 

"  The  fact  that  he  has  suppressed  the  resi 
due  of  the  letter  furnishes  strong  evidence 
that  the  extract  is  either  not  genuine,  or  that 
it  is  garbled  and  altered  so  as  to  pervert  its 


16 


true  meaning.  Every  honorable  mind  is  jus 
tified  in  pronouncing  it  a  probable  forgery, 
unless  Major  Lewis  produces  the  whole  letter, 
in  General  Jackson's  own  handwriting,  and, 
together  with  it,  the  letter  of  his  own  to  which 
it  was  an  answer.  The  gentleman  before  al 
luded  to,  not  only  asserts,  as  a  fact  susceptible 
of  proof,  that  Gen.  Jackson  approved  the  se 
lection  of  Mr.  Buchanan  by  Mr.  Polk,  as  a 
member  of  his  Cabinet  before  the  appointment 
was  made,  but  that,  after  it  was  made,  and  af 
ter  the  date  of  the  pretended  letter  to  Major 
Lewis,  Gen.  Jackson  wrote  to  Mr.  Polk  ex 
pressing  his  cordial  satisfaction  at  the  appoint 
ment  of  Mr.  Buchanan.  This  letter  is'in  ex 
istence,  and  its  contents  are  so  directly  con 
tradictory  of  the  pretended  extract,  that  it 
strongly  corroborates  the  conclusion  that  the 
extract  is  a  forgery"  ' 

Now  the  chief  object  of  this  communication 
is  to  expose  this  base  attempt  at  imposture  on 
the  part  of  the  Union.  It  is  true  that  Andrew 
Jackson,  Jr.,  has  written  two  letters,  in  which 
he  speaks  of  the  letter  to  Major  Lewis,  but  in 
neither  does  he  dare  to  question  the  authenticity 
of  the  extract.  On  the  contrary  he  admits  its 
genuineness,  but  suspects  if  the  whole  letter 
were  published  it  might  not  be  so  hard  on  Mr. 
Buchanan.  He  copies  the  extract  in  one  of 
his  letters,  preceding  it  with  the  remark  :  — 
"  The  following  extract  from  one  of  my  fath 
er's  private  and  confidential  letters."  Again, 
he  says  :  "  I  say  furthermore,  that  the  above 
paragraph  (the  extract  from  the  letter  to  Maj. 
Lewis,  given  above)  was  called  forth  by  irrita 
tion,  produced,"  &c.  In  no  instance  does  he 
dare  to  throw  a  doubt  upon  the  extract  as  a 
veritable  production  of  Gen  Jackson.  The 
"  paragraph"  contains  all  that  is  said  in  the 
letter  upon  the  subject  of  the  slander  on  Mr. 
Clay ;  and,  of  course,  the  publication  of  the 
whole  letter  could  not  alter  its  sense  in  any 
way. 

[If  the  letter  contained  a  word  or  an  idea 
•which  would  benefit  Mr.  Buchanan,  we  sup 
pose  of  course  his  friend,  Andrew  Jackson,  Jr., 
would  publish  it. — Ed.  Am.  Organ.~\ 

The  Cabinet  officer  alluded  to  in  the  Union 
is  Hon.  Cave  Johnson.  He  intimates  that  the 
letter  is  not  in  General  Jackson's  handwriting 
— that  words  or  sentences  may  have  been  eras 
ed,  &c.  These  are  grave  imputations  upon  the 
honesty  of  gentlemen  in  every  respect  the 
peers  of  Hon.  Cave  Johnson.  It  would  have 
been  more  honorable  had  he,  instead  of  mak 
ing  them,  examined  the  letter  and  satisfied  his 
doubts,  if  he  really  had  any  doubts.  The  letter 
it  at  the  Banner  office,  within  a  stone's  throw 


of  the  Bank  of  Tennessee,  where  he  (Johnson) 
spends  his  days,  and  he,  together  with  all 
other  Democrats,  have  a  standing  invitation  to 
call  and  read  it. 

In  response  to  his  intimation,  I  will  say  that 
the  letter  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Gen.  Jackson, 
that  there  is  neither  an  erasure  or  an  interlinea 
tion  in  it,  and  that  it  has  been  examined  by 
honorable  Democrats,  who  admrfits  genuine 
ness,  while  they  lamert  its  existence.  Under 
these  circumstances,  the  attempt  of  Cave  John 
son  and  A.  O.  P.  Nicholson  to  create  the  im 
pression  that  the  letter  has  been  "  garbled  "  or 
is  a  "  forgery,"  is  in  the  highest  degree  dis 
creditable  to  them  as  honorable  men.  By 
lending  themselves  to  such  an  unworthy  arti 
fice  to  impose  upon  the  people,  they  descend 
to  the  level  of  the  ballot-box  stuffers,  and  ren 
der  themselves  objects  of  contempt  and  deri 
sion. 

In  conclusion,  your  correspondent  would 
admonish  all  who  expect  to  relieve  Mr.  Bu 
chanan  from  the  odium  of  his  position  as  an  ac 
complice  in  the  conspiracy  to  destroy  Mr. 
Clay,  by  throwing  doubts  upon  the  authenti 
city  of  Gen.  Jackson's  letter,  that  the  thing  is 
impossible.  The  "  Old  Buck "  has  been 
brought  to  bay,  and  in  November  his  antlers 
will  be  hung  up  as  an  evidence  of  his  guilt,  and 
of  the  justice  of  the  great  masses  of  Mr.  Clay's 
countrymen.  MACON. 

DOCUMENTS   RELATING    TO   THE   REPUP- 
LICAN  PARTY, 

The  Republican  Platform. 

This  convention  of  delegates,  assembled  in 
pursuance  of  a  call  addressed  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  without  regard  to  past  po 
litical  differences  or  divisions,  who  are  opposed 
to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise ;  to 
the  policy  of  the  present  administration ;  to  the 
extension  of  slavery  into  free  territory  ;  in  fa 
vor  of  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  Free  State  ; 
of  restoring  the  action  of  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment  to  the  principles  of  Washington  and 
Jefferson  ;  and  for  the  purpose  of  presenting 
candidates  for  the  offices  of  President  and 
Vice  President,  do 

1.  Resolve,  That  the    maintenance  of    the 
principles  promulgated  in  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  and  embodied  in  the  Federal 
Constitution,  is   essential  to  the  preservation 
of  our  Republican  institutions,   and   that  the 
Federal  Constitution,  the  rights  of  the  States, 
and  the  union  of  the  States,  shall  be  preserved. 

2.  Resolved,  That,  with  our  Republican  fath 
ers,  we  hold  it  to  be  a  self-evident  truth  that 


17 

all  men  are   endowed  with   the   unalienable  They  have  been  deprived  of  life,  liberty, 

right  of  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  bappi-  and  property,  without  due  process  of  law  : 

ness ;  and  that  the  primary  object  and  ulterior  That  the  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press 

design  of  our  federal  government  were  to  se-  has  been  abridged  : 

cure  those  rights  to  all  persons  within  its  ex-  The  right  to  choose  their  Representatives 

elusive  jurisdiction  ;  that  as  our  Republican  has  been  made  of  no  effect  : 

fathers,  when  they  had  abolished  slavery  in  all  Murders,  robberies,  and  arsons,  have  been 

our  national  territory,  ordained  that  no  person  instigated  and  encouraged,  and  the  offenders 

should  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  have  been  allowed  to  go  unpunished, 

without  due  process  of  law,  it  becomes  our  duty  That  all  these  things  have  been  done  with 

to  maintain  this  provision  of  the  Constitution  the    knowledge,   sanction,   and    procurement 

against  all  attempts  to  violate  it  for  the  purpose  of  the  present  administration,  and  that  for  this 

of  establishing  slavery  in  the  United  States  by  high  crime  against  the  Constitution,  the  Union, 

positive  legislation,  prohibiting  its  existence  or  and  humanity,  we  arraign  that  administration, 

extension  therein ;   that  we  deny  the  authority  the  President,  his  advisers,  agents,  supporters, 

of  Congress,  of  a  Territorial  legislature,  of  any  apologists,  and  accessories,  either  before  or  af- 

individual  or  association  of  individuals,  to  give  ter  the  facts — before  the  country  and  before 

legal  assistance  to  slavery  in  any  Territory  of  the  the  world ;   and  that  it  is  our  fixed  purpose  to 

United  States,  while  the  present  Constitution  bring  the  actual  perpetrators  of  these  atrocious 

shall  be  maintained.  outrages,  and  their  accomplices,  to  a  sure  and 

3.  Resolved,  That  the    Constitution  confers  condign  punishment  hereafter. 

upon  Congress  sovereign  power  over  the  Terri-  5.  Resolved,  That  Kansas  should  be  immedi- 

tories  of  the  United  States  for  their  govern-  ately  admitted  as  a  State  of  the  Union,  with  her 

ment,  and  that  in  the  exercise  of  this  power  it  present  free  constitution,  as  at  once  the  most 

is  both  the  right  and  the  duty  of  Congress  to  pro-  effectual  way  of  securing  to  her  citizens  the 

Mbit  in  the  Territories  those  twin  relics  of  barba-  enjoyment  of  the  rights  and  privileges  to  which 

mm,  polygamy  and  slavery.  they  are  entitled,  and  of  ending  the  civil  strife 

4.  Resolved,  That  while  the  Constitution  of  now  raging  in  her  Territory, 

the  United  States  was  ordained  and  established  6.  Resolved,  That  the  highwayman's  plea  that 

by  the  people  in  order  to  "  form  a  more  per-  might  makes  right,  embodied   in   the    Ostend 

feet  union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  Circular,  was  in  every  respect  unworthy  of 

tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  defence,  American  diplomacy,  and  would  bring  shame 

and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty,"  and  con-  and  dishonor  upon  any  government  or  people 

tains  ample  provisions  for  the  protection  of  the  that  gave  it  their  sanction. 

life,  liberty  and  property  of  every  citizen,  the  7.  Resolved,  That  a  Railroad  to  the  Pacific 

dearest  constitutional  rights  of  the  people  of  Ocean  by  the  most  central  and  practical  route, 

Kansas  have  been  fraudulently  and  violently  is  imperatively  demanded  by  the  interests  of 

taken  from  them.  the  whole  country,  and  that  the  Federal  Gov- 

Their   territory   has   been   invaded  by  an  ernment  ought  to  render  immediate  and  effi- 

armed  force :  cient  aid  in  its  construction,  and,  as  an  auxili- 

Spurious  and  pretended  legislative,  judicial,  ary  thereto,  the  immediate  construction  of  an 

and   executive  officers,  have  been  set   over  emigrant  route  on  the  line  of  the  railroad. 

them,  by  whose  usurped  authority,  sustained  by  8.  Resolved,  That  appropriations  by   Con- 

the  military  power  of  the  government,  tyranni-  gress  for  the  improvement  of  rivers  and  har- 

cal  and  unconstitutional  laws  have  been  enact-  bors,  of  a  national  character,  required  for  the 

ed  and  enforced :  accommodation  and   security  of  our   existing 

The  rights  of  the  people  to  keep  and  to  bear  commerce,  are  authorized  by  the  Constitution, 

arms  have  been  infringed :  and  justified  by  the  obligation  of  government 

Test  oaths  of  an  extraordinary  and  entang-  to  protect  the  lives  and  property  of  its  citizens, 

ling  nature  have  been  imposed  as  a  condition  9.  Resolved,  That  we  invite  the  affiliation 

of  exercising  the  rights  of  suffrage  and  hold-  and  co-operation  of  the   men  of  all   parties, 

ing  office :  however  differing  from  us  in  other  respects,  in 

The  right  of  an  accused  person  to  a  speedy  support  of  the  principles  herein  declared ;  and 

and  public  trial  by  an  impartial  jury  has  been  believing  that  the  spirit  of  our  institutions  as 

denied:  well  as  the  Constitution  of  our  country  guar- 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  anteesj  liberty  of  conscience  acd  equality  of 

persons,  houses,  papers  and  effects,  against  un-  rights,  among  citizens,  we  oppose  all  legislation 

reasonable  searches  and  seizures,  has  been  vio-  impairing  their  security, 
lated : 


18 

LETTER  OF  ACCEPTANCE— COL.  FREMONT  the  civilized  world.  An  honest,  firm,  and 
TO  THE  COMMITTEE  OF.  THE  PEOPLE'S  open  policy  in  our  foreign  relations  would  com- 
CONVENTION.  mand  the  united  support  of  the  nation,  whose 
NEW  YORK,  July  8,  1856.  deliberate  opinions  it  would  necessarily  reflect. 
GENTLEMEN  :  You  call  me  to  a  high  re-  Nothing  is  clearer  in  the  history  of  our  in- 
sponsibility  by  placing  me  in  the  van  of  a  stitutions  than  the  design  of  the  nation  in  as- 
great  movement  of  the  people  of  the  United  serting  its  own  independence  and  freedom,  to 
States,  who,  without  regard  to  past  differences,  avoid  giving  countenance  to  the  extension  of 
are  uniting  in  a  common  effort  to  bring  back  Slavery.  The  influence  of  the  small  but  com- 
the  action  of  the  Federal  Government  to  the  pact  and  powerful  class  of  men  interested  in 
principles  of  WASHINGTON  and  JEFFERSON.  Slavery,  who  command  one  section  of  the 
Comprehending  the  magnitude  of  the  trust  country,  and  wield  a  vast  political  control  as  a 
which  they  have  declared  themselves  willing  consequence  in  the  other,  is  now  directed  to 
to  place  in  my  hands,  and  deeply  sensible  to  turn  this  impulse  of  the  Revolution  and  reverse 
the  honor  which  their  unreserved  confidence  i*s  principles.  The  extension  of  Slavery  across 
in  this  threatening  position  of  the  public  af-  the  continent  is  the  object  of  the  power  which 
fairs  implies,  I  feel  that  I  cannot  better  respond  now  rules  the  Government ;  and  from  this  spirit 
than  by  a  sincere  declaration  that,  in  the  event  have  sprung  those  kindred  wrongs  in  Kanses  so 
of  my  election  to  the  Presidency,  I  should  en-  truly  portrayed  in  one  of  your  resolutions, 
ter  upon  the  execution  of  its  duties  with  a  which  prove  that  the  elements  of  the  most  arbi- 
single-hearted  determination  to  promote  the  trary  governments  have  not  been  vanquished  by 
good  of  the  whole  country,  and  to  direct  sole-  the  just  theory  of  our  own.  It  would  be  out  of 
ly  to  this  end  all  the  power  of  the  Govern-  place  here  to  pledge  myself  to  any  particular 
ment,  irrespective  of  party  issues,  and  regard-  policy  that  has  been  suggested  to  terminate  the 
less  of  secuonal  strifes.  The  declaration  of  sectional  controversy  engendered  by  political 
principles  embodied  in  the  resolves  of  your  animosities,  operating  on  a  powerful  class  band- 
Convention  expresses  the  sentiments  in  which  ed  together  by  a  common  interest.  A  practical 
I  have  been  educated,  and  which  have  been  remedy  is  the  admission  of  Kansas  into  the 
ripened  inro  convictions  by  personal  observa-  Union  as  a  Free  State.  The  South  should,  in 
tion  and  experience.  With  this  declaration  my  judgment,  earnestly  desire  such  a  consum- 
and  avowal,  I  think  it  necessary  to  revert  to  mation.  It  would  vindicate  the  good  faith — it 
only  two  of  the  subjects  embraced  in  the  reso-  would  correct  the  mistake  of  the  repeal ;  and 
lutions,  and  to  those  only  because  events  have  the  North,  having  practically  the  benefit  of  the 
surrounded  them  with  grave  and  critical  cir-  agreement  between  the  two  sections,  would  be 
cumstances,  and  given  to  them  special  impor-  satisfied,  and  good  feeling  be  restored.  The 
tance.  measure  is  perfectly  consistent  with  the  honor 
I  concur  in  the  views  of  that  Convention  of  the  South,  and  vital  to  its  interests.  That 
deprecating  the  foreign  policy  to  which  it  ad-  fatal  act  which  gave  birth  to  this  purely  sec-, 
verts.  The  assumption  that  we  have  the  right  tional  strife,  originating  in  the  scheme  to  take 
to  take  from  another  nation  its  domains  be-  from  free  labor  the  country  secured  to  it  by 
cause  we  want  them,  is  an  abandonment  of  the  a  solemn  covenant,  cannot  be  too  soon  disarm- 
honest  character  which  our  country  has  ac-  ed  of  its  pernicious  force.  The  only  genial 
quired.  To  provoke  hostilities  by  unjust  as-  region  of  the  middle  latitudes  left  to  the  emi- 
sumptions  would  be  to  sacrifice  the  peace  and  grants  of  the  Northern  States  for  homes  can- 
character  of  the  country,  when  all  its  interests  not  be  conquered  from  the  free  laborers,  who 
might  be  more  certainly  secured,  and  its  ob-  have  long  considered  it  as  set  apart  for  them  in 
jects  attained  by  just  and  healing  counsels,  in-  our  inheritance,  without  provoking  a  desper- 
volving  no  loss  of  reputation.  ate  struggle.  Whatever  may  be  the  persis- 
International  embarrassments  are  mainly  tence  of  the  particular  class  which  seems  ready 
the  results  of  a  secret  diplomacy,  which  aims  to  hazard  everything  for  the  success  of  the 
to  keep  from  the  knowledge  of  the  people  the  unjust  scheme  it  has  partially  effected,  I  firmly 
operations  of  the  Government.  This  system  believe  that  the  great  heart  of  the  nation, 
is  inconsistent  with  the  character  of  our  insti-  which  throbs  with  the  patriotism  of  the  free- 
tutions,  and  is  itself  yielding  gradually  to  a  men  of  both  sections,  will  have  power  to  over- 
more  enlightened  public  opinion,  and  to  the  come  it.  They  will  look  to  the  rights  secured 
power  of  a  free  Pr^ss,  which,  by  its  broad  dis-  to  them  by  the  Constitution  of  the  Union,  as 
semination  <.f  political  intelligence,  secures  in  their  best  safeguard  from  the  oppression  of 
advance  to  the  side  of  justice  the  judgment  Of  the  class  which — by  a  monopoly  of  the  soil 


19 

and  of  slave  labor  to  till  it — might  in  time  re- 
duce  them  to  the  extremity  of  laboring  upon  BY  THE  CITIZENS  OF  CHARLESTON 
the  same   terms  with  the  slaves.     The  great  TO  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL 
body  of   non-slaveholding  freemen,  including  JOHN    CHARLES   FREMONT, 
those  of  the   South,  upon  whose  welfare  Sla-  A  MEMORIAL  OF  THEIR  HIGH  APPRECIATION 
very  is  an  oppression,  will  discover  that  the  op  THE  OALLANTRT  AND  SCIENCE 
power  of  the  General  Government  over  the  HE  HAg  DISPLAYED  IN  HIS 
public  Undfi  may  be  beneficially  exerted  to  ad-  8EIIVICES  IN  OREGON  AND  CALIFORNIA. 
vance  their  interests  and  secure  their  indepen 
dence.     Knowing  this,  their  suffrages  will  not  SWORD  BELT  FEOM  THE  CHARLESTON  WOMEN. 
be  wanting  to  maintain   that  authority    in    the  From  the  Charleston,  S.  C.,  Mercury,  Sept.  27, 1847. 

Union  which  is  absolutely  essential  to  the  We  regret  to  learn  that  Col  Fremont, 
maintenance  of  their  own  liberties,  and  which  whose  departure  for  Aiken  we  noticed  a  few 
has  more  than  once  indicated  the  purpose  of  days  since,  did  not  reach  that  place  to  see  his 
disposing  of  the  public  lands  in  such  a  way  as  mother  alive.  She  died  but  a  few  hours  be- 
would  make  every  settler  upon  them  a  free-  fore  his  arrival.  He  accompanied  her  remains 
holder.  the  next  day  to  this  city,  and  after  witnessing 

If  the  people  intrust  to  me  the  administra-  the  last  sad  rites,  left  here  the  evening  follow- 
tion  of  the  Government,  the  laws  of  Congress  ing  for  Washington.  In  this  affliction,  render- 
in  relation  to  the  Territories  will  be  faithfully  ed  [doubly  poignant  by  his  deep  disappoint- 
executed.  All  its  authority  will  be  exerted  in  ment  in  not  receiving  her  parting  look  of  re- 
aid  of  the  national  will  to  re-establish  the  peace  cognition  after  his  long  and  eventful  absence, 
of  the  country  on  the  just  principles  which  he  has  the  sympathy  of  our  entire  commu- 
have  heretofore  received  the  sanction  of  the  nity. 

Federal  Government,  of  the  States,  and  of  the  «  The  marked  and  brilliant  career  of  Col. 
people  of  both  sections.  Such  a  policy  would  Fremont  has  arrested  general  attention  and 
leave  no  aliment  to  that  sectional  party  which  admiration,  and  has  been  watched  with  lively 
seeks  its  aggrandizement  by  appropriating  the  interest  by  his  fellow-citizens  of  South  Caro- 
new  Territories  to  capital  in  the  form  of  Sla-  lina,  Charleston  particularly  is  proud  of  him, 
very,  but  would  inevitably  result  in  the  tri-  and  the  reputation  which  he  has  at  so  early  an 
umph  of  Free  Labor — the  natural  capital  which  age  achieved  for  himself,  she  claims  as  some- 
constitutes  the  real  wealth  of  this  great  coun-  thing  in  which  she  too  has  a  share.  But  for 
try,  and  creates  that  intelligent  power  in  the  the  melancholy  circumstance  attending  his 
masses  alone  to  be  relied  on  as  the  bulwark  of  visit,  our  city  would  have  manifested  by  suit- 
free  institutions.  able  demonstrations  their  respect  for  him,  and 
Trusting  that  I  have  a  heart  capable  of  their  continued  confidence  in  his  honor  and 
comprehending  our  whole  country,  with  its  va-  integrity.  It  will  require  something  more 
ried  interests,  and  confident  that  patriotism  ex-  than  mere  accusation  to  sully  them  in  the 
ists  in  all  parts  of  the  Union,  I  accept  the  nom-  minds  of  the  people  of  Charleston.  Some 
ination  of  the  Convention,  in  the  hope  that  I  months  since  a  sword  was  voted  to  him  by  our 
may  be  enabled  to  serve  usefully  its  cause,  citizens,  the  individual  subscriptions  to  which 
which  I  consider  the  cause  of  constitutional  were  limited  to  $1 ;  it  now  awaits  his  accep- 
Freedom.  tance  at  a  suitable  opportunity.  We  are  hap- 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant,  py  to  learn  that  the  ladies  of  Charleston  pro- 
J.  C.  FREMONT,  pose,  by  a  similar  subscription,  to  furnish  an 
appropriate  belt  to  accompany  the  sword,  an 

SWORD  FROM  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  evidence  that  they  too  can  appreciate  the  gal- 

The  citizens  of  Charleston,  S.  C.,  at  a  pub-  lantry   and   heroism   which   have   so  signally 

lie  meeting,  in  1846,  after  passing  resolutions  marked  his  carffr'  and  ha^  *«"  f  air  of 

romance  over  the  usually  dry  detail  of  scienti- 
highly  eulogistic  of  Col.  Fremont's  services  m   gc  pursuits." 

Oregon  and  California,  voted  him  a  sword, 

limiting  the  subscription  for  the  same  at  one  LETTER  FROM  BARON  HUMBOLDT. 

dollar  to  a  person.     The  sword  is  costly  and  To  g°L.  FREMONT,  Senator :— It  is   very 

,         ,,               ,  .     c      ,,     .,                 ,    ,    .  agreeable  to  me,  sir,  to  address  you  these  lines 

elegantly  wrought,  of  gold,  silver  mounted,  m  b»    my  exceilent  f;iendj  our  ^inister  fo  the 

a  scabbard  of  gold,  and  bears  the  following  United  States,  N.  de  Gerold.     After  having 
inscription :  given  you,  in  the  new  edition  of  my  "  Aspects 


of  Nature,"  the  public  testimony  of  the  admi 
ration  which  is  due  to  your  gigantic  labors  be- 
t  een  St.  Louis,  of  Missouri,  and  the  coasts 
of  the  South  Sea,  I  feel  happy  to  offer  you,  in 
this  little  token  of  my  existence  (dans  ce  petit 
signe  de  vie),  the  homage  of  my  warm  ac 
knowledgment.  You  have  displayed  a  noble 
courage  in  distant  expeditions,  braved  all  the 
dangers  of  cold  and  famine,  enriched  all  the 
branches  of  the  natural  sciences,  illustrated 
a  vast  country  which  was  almost  entirely  un 
known  to  us. 

A  merit  so  rare  has  been  acknowledged  by 
a  sovereign  warmly  interested  in  the  progress 
of  physical  geography ;  the  king  orders  me  to 
offer  you  the  grand  golden  medal  destined  to 
those  who  have  labored  at  scientific  progress. 
I  hope  that  this  mark  of  the  Koyal  good  will 
will  be  agreeable  to  you  at  a  time  when,  upon 
the  proposition  of  the  illustrious  geographer, 
Chas.  Hitter,  the  Geographical  Society  at  Ber 
lin  has  named  you  an  honorary  member.  For 
myself,  I  must  thank  you  particularly  also  for 
the  honor  which  you  have  done  in  attaching 
my  name  and  that  of  my  fellow-laborer  and 
intimate  friend,  Mr.  Bonpland,  to  countries 
neighboring  to  those  which  have  been  the  ob 
ject  of  our  labors.  California,  which  has  so 
nobly  resisted  the  introduction  of  Slavery,  will 
be  worthily  represented  by  a  friend  of  liberty 
and  of  the  progress  of  intelligence. 

Accept,  I  pray  you,  sir,  the  expression  of 
my  high  and  affectionate  consideration. 

Your  most  humble  and  most  obedient  ser 
vant,  A.  VON  HUMBOLDT. 

Sans  Souci,  October  7,  1850. 

On  the  envelope  thus  addressed : 
To  Colonel  Fremont,  Senator, 

With  the  Great  Golden  Medal 
For  Progress  in  the  Sciences. 

BARON  HUMBOLDT. 

Testimony    of    Fremont's  Teacher,  given   in 
185O,  —  Six  Years  before  he  was  dominated. 

Young  Fremont,  after  attending  school  for 
some  time  in  Norfolk  and  Charleston,  at  about 
the  age  of  thirteen  entered  the  law  office  of 
John  W.  Mitchell,  Esq.,  in  Charleston.  Mr. 
Mitchell  was  a  man  of  exemplary  character 
and  of  high  standing  in  the  community.  He 
took  a  fancy  to  Fremont,  and  invited  him  to 
enter  his  office  and  prepare  himself,  ultimately, 
for  the  practice  of  the  law.  Here  Fremont 
continued  about  a  year,  when  Mr.  Mitchell 
sent  him  to  the  school  of  Dr.  Roberton,  a 
Scotchman  of  good  classical  acquirements, 
and  particularly  skilled  in  the  ancient  lan- 


Dr.  Roberton  is  still  living,  and  is  now  en 
gaged  in  teaching  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 
In  the  preface  to  one  of  his  school-books, 
published  in  1850,  he  exhorts  his  pupils  to  at 
tention  to  their  studies,  and  thus  sets  before 
them  the  example  of  Fremont : 

"  For  your  further  encouragement,  I  will 
here  relate  a  very  remarkable  instance  of  pa 
tient  diligence  and  indomitable  perseverance  : 

"In  the  year  1827,  after  I  had  returned  to 
Charleston  from  Scotland,  and  my  classes 
were  going  on,  a  very  respectable  lawyer  came 
to  my  school,  I  think  some  time  in  the  month 
of  October,  with  a  youth  apparently  about 
sixteen,  or  perhaps  not  so  much  (fourteen),  of 
middle  size,  graceful  in  manners,  rather  slen 
der,  but  well  formed,  and  upon  the  whole, 
what  I  should  call  handsome;  of  a  keen, 
piercing  eye,  and  a  noble  forehead,  seemingly 
the  very  seat  of  genius.  The  gentleman 
stated  that  he  found  him  given  to  study,  that 
he  had  been  about  three  weeks  learning  the 
Latin  Rudiments,  and  (hoping,  I  suppose,  to 
turn  the  youth's  attention  from  the  law  to  the 
ministry)  had  resolved  to  place  him  under  my 
care,  for  the  purpose  of  learning  Greek, 
Latin,  and  Mathematics,  sufficient  to  enter 
Charleston  College.  I  very  gladly  received 
him,  for  I  immediately  perceived  he  was  no 
common  youth,  as  intelligence  beamed  in  his 
dark  eye,  and  shone  brightly  on  his  counte 
nance,  indicating  great  ability,  and  an  assur 
ance  of  his  future  progress.  I  at  once  put 
him  in  the  highest  class,  just  beginning  to 
read  Caesar's  Commentaries,  and  although  at 
first  inferior,  his  prodigious  memory  and  en 
thusiastic  application  soon  enabled  him  to  sur 
pass  the  best.  He  began  Greek  at  the  same 
time,  and  read  with  some  who  had  been  long 
at  it,  in  which  he  also  soon  excelled.  And 
whatever  he  read,  he  retained.  It  seemed  to 
me,  in  fact,  as  if  he  learned  by  mere  intuition. 
I  was  myself  utterly  astonished,  and  at  the 
same  time  delighted  with  his  progress.  I  have 
hinted  that  he  was  designed  for  the  Church, 
but  when  I  contemplated  his  bold,  fearless  dis 
position,  his  powerful  inventive  genius,  his  ad 
miration  of  warlike  exploits,  and  his  love  of 
heroic  and  adventurous  deeds,  I  did  not  think 
it  likely  he  would  be  a  minister  of  the  Gospel. 
He  had  not,  however,  the  least  appearance  of 
any  vice  whatever.  On  the  contrary,  he  was 
always  the  very  pattern  of  virtue  and  mod 
esty.  I  could  not  help  loving  him,  so  much 
did  he  captivate  me  by  his  gentlemanly  con 
duct  and  extraordinary  progress.  It  was  easy 
to  see  that  he  would  one  day  raise  himself  to 
eminence.  ***** 


At  the  end  of  one  year,  he  entered  the  from  my  associations  with  him,  that  his  reli- 
Junior  Class  in  Charleston  College  triumphant-  gious  opinions  were  and  still  are  those  of  the 
ly,  while  others  who  had  been  studying  four  Protestant  Episcopalians, 
years  and  more,  were  obliged  to  take  the  Independent  of  this,  I  will  state  that  the 
Sophomore  Class.  His  career  afterwards  has  only  Prayer  Book  in  our  tent  at  the  Blue 
been  one  of  heroic  adventure,  of  hair-breadth  Ridge  was  owned  by  John  C.  Fremont,  with 
escapes  by  flood  and  field,  and  of  scientific  his  name  inscribed  on  the  cover,  which  was 
explorations,  which  have  made  him  world-  the  Common  Prayer  Book  used  by  all  E pis- 
wide  renowned.  *  *  *  copalians,  and  the  same  kind  that  I  had  from 
Such,  my  young  friends,  is  but  an  imperfect  boyhood  been  accustomed  to  use.  This  cir- 
sketch  of  my  once  beloved  and  favorite  pupil,  cumstance  is  strongly  impressed  upon  my 
now  a  Senator,  and  who  may  yet  rise  to  be  at  mind  from  the  fact  that  there  was  among  our 
the  head  of  this  great  and  growing  republic."  number  a  son  of  the  Episcopal  Bishop  of  Bal 
timore,  a  strict  disciplinarian,  who,  in  the 

From  the  New  York  Evening  Post.  hurry  of  preparation  for  camp,  neglected  to 

Fremont's  Opinions  on  slavery  in  1837.  His  bring  his  Book  of  Prayers,  which  produced  in 

™     f  i,Ea-rly  "f1*10?"  Vlew"  our  company  no  slight  degree  of  amusement 

The  following  interesting  correspondence  at  his  expense.      If  Mr.  Fremont  is  now  a 

has  recently  taken  place  :  Roman  Catholic  he  must  certainly  have  become 

LETTER  FROM  JOHN  M.  WELCH,  ESQ.  so  since  his  nomination. 

HUDSON,  August  30,  1856.  I*1  reply  to  your  question  of  slavery,  I  will 

R.  F.  Livingston,  Esq. :  introduce  a  short  extract  from  the  journal  kept 

Dear  Sir:  Knowing  that  you,  some  years  by  me  at  the  time  spoken  of,  in  1837  : 

since,  had  a  personal  acquaintance  with  John  ,      Iram  ™JS^&  with  regard  to  the  charac- 

C.  Fremont,  and  that  you  were  a  companion  ter.  of  m?  companion,  Fremont.     The  mo3t 

of  his  in  several   Exploring   or   Engineering  taciturn  modest  man  I  ever  met,  reminding 

expeditions,  I  write  you  a  few  lines  for  the  Te  °f  yllliam  C''  and' llke  him» 1S  not  readily 

purpose  of  obtaining  your  understanding  of  !?rawn  mto  conversation,  looking  at  times  astf 

Mr.  Fremont's  views  with  reference  to  slavery  *e  w.ere,  resolving  some  difficult  problem  m 

extension :    and  also   to   ascertain  from  you  "    "i*                       ..  ~ 

whether  he  was,  at  the  time  you  were  with  *    "  One  week  has  passed.    I 

him,  a  pro-slavery  man  and  a  Roman  Catholic.  am  greatl?  fa£gued  by  the  last  few  days  labori- 

If  you  will  have  the  kindness  to  give  me  the  °u,s  duties>    Buncome  is  truly  a  rough  country, 

information  I  ask  for,  you  will  confer  a  great  Jhat  y°un/  J31^'  Fremont>  1S  a  genius— a 

favor  diamond  of  the  first  water — a  person  ot  no 

Respectfully  yours,    JOHN  M.  WELCH.  ordinary  capacity.     Such  application,  coupled 

with  such  indomitable  perseverance — such  a 

LETTER  FROM  ROBERT  F.  LIVINGSTON,  ESQ.  determination  to  surmount  every  obstacle — a 

LIVINGSTON,  Columbia  county,  7  patient  investigation  unsurpassed." 

September  2,  1856.          j"  *     *     *     *     *      « ^  month  has  elapsed. 

Mr.  John  M.  Welch :  We  are  camping   in    the   most  primitive  of 

Dear  Sir:  Your  note  of  the  3  Oth  of  August,  forests.  Our  caterer  brings  in  a  deer;  our 
addressed  to  me,  soliciting  my  understanding  taciturn  man  is  more  communicative  lately, 
of  Col.  John  C.  Fremont's  religious  tenets  and  He  is  loved,  respected  and  admired  by  us  all. 
views  of  human  slavery,  I  am  pleased  to  com-  First  impressions  of  persons  are  generally  the 
ply  with.  I  have  been  personally  acquainted  best.  It  is  mine  that  Fremont  will,  at  some 
with  him  for  nearly  twenty  years.  In  the  future  day,  be  distinguished ;  ^such  energy, 
year  1837  we  were  for  several  months  asso-  such  perseverance,  such  application  and  talent, 
ciated  in  the  same  corps  of  engineers,  serving  cannot  escape  notice,  and  will  not  go  unre 
in  North  Carolina.  We  camped  together,  ate  warded.  I  am,  in  a  measure,  his  confidant, 
and  slept  together  in  the  deep  ravines  of  the  conversing  with  him  freely  on  all  subjects,  in- 
Blue  Ridge,  far  removed  from  any  habitation,  eluding  that  of  slavery.  He  does  not  conceal 
From  our  daily  intercourse  and  intimacy  it  bis  opinions  of  the  institution.  He  condemns 
might  very  naturally  be  inferred,  "  as  the  fact  ifc  much,  even  in  the  presence  of  our  compan- 
is,"  that  we  became  pretty  conversant  with  ions.  ^  I  am  more  cautious." 
each  other's  opinions  and  characters.  I  have  This  is  from  my  journal  nearly  twenty  years 
no  hesitation  in  declaring,  from  the  knowledge  aS°-  *  believe  from  what  I  have  heard  Mr 
I  then  obtained  of  him,  and  have  since  obtained  Fremont  say  of  the  demoralizing  effects  of 


slavery,  that  he  hates  it,  bu,t  would  not  advise 
interference  with  it  in  the  States  where  it  is 
established.  He  is  opposed  to  its  extension. 
I  have  been  in  Col.  Fremont's  company  in 
Kentucky,  Cuba  and  California,  and  on  the 
Isthmus  of  Panama.  His  views  on  this  ques 
tion  of  human  slavery,  are  what  all  good  men 
desire.  Of  his  Protestantism  there  can  be  no 
doubt.  Believing  that  this  will  satisfy  you 
upon  the  several  points  alluded  to,  and  trust 
ing  that  you  will,  "  as  I  certainly  shall,"  cast 
your  vote  for  Fremont  and  Freedom, 
I  remains  yours,  &c., 

ROBT.  F.  LIVINGSTON. 

His  Views  in  1856. 

LETTER   FROM   COL.   FREMONT. 

NEW  YORK,  April  29,  1856. 
Gentlemen  :— I  have  to  thank  you  for  the 
honor  of  an  invitation  to  a  meeting  this  even 
ing,  at  the  Broadway  Tabernacle,  and  regret 
that  other  engagements  have  interfered  to  pre 
vent  my  being  present.  I  heartily  concur  in 
all  movements  which  have  for  their  object  to 
"  repair  the  mischiefs  arising  from  the  viola 
tion  of  good  faith,  in  the  repeal  of  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise."  I  am  opposed  to  slavery 
in  the  abstract,  and  upon  principle  sustained 
and  made  habitual  by  long  settled  convictions. 
While  I  feel  inflexible  in  the  belief  that  it  ought 
not  to  be  interfered  with  where  it  exists  wider 
the  shield  of  State  sovereignty,  1  AM  AS  IN 
FLEXIBLY  OPPOSED  TO  ITS  EXTENSION  ON 
THIS  CONTINENT  BEYOND  ITS  PRESENT 
LIMITS. 

With  the  assurance  of  regard  for  yourselves, 
I  am,  very  respectfully,  yours, 

J.  C.  FREMONT. 
To  Messrs.  E.  D.  Morgan  and  others, 

Committee,  &c. 


mystery  in  due  season  will  be  fully  explained. 
We  only  repeat,  for  the  present,  with  a  knowl 
edge  of  the  circumstances,  that  had  Fremont, 
when  applied  to  by  a  Democratic  committee, 
consented  to  swallow  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
bill,  he  would  have  put  the  nose  of  Mr.  Bu 
chanan  out  of  joint  as  the  Democratic  nom 
inee." 


What  the  Democrat*  thought  of  Fremont. 

We  find  the  following  curious  state 
ment  in  the  New  York  Herald,  and  publish  it 
with  a  remark  that  we  have  before  heard  a 
similar  intimation  from  a  Democratic  source  : 

"  This  idea  of  running  Fremont  for  the  Pres 
idency  originated  with  the  Democratic  party, 
or  with  some  of  its  managers,  which  is  the 
same  thing.  Less  than  a  year  ago,  had  Fre 
mont  consented  to  ride  the  Nebraska  bill,  he 
would  in  all  probability  have  been  adopted  as 
the  Democratic  candidate  for  the  Presidency, 
upon  the  superior  claims  of  a  higher  and  more 
extended  personal  popularity  than  any  other 
living  man  in  the  United  States. 

"  We  know  what  we  say ;    and  the  whole 


What  a  Patriotic  American  Politician  thinks. 

Chauncey  Schaffer,  Esq.,  formerly  district 
attorney  of  New  York,  has  been  a  much 
respected  and  prominent  member  of  the 
American  party,  but  has  recently  given  his 
support  to  Fremont.  A  paragraph  recently 
appeared  in  the  Ithaca  Citizen,  stating  that  he 
had  returned  to  the  support  of  Fillmore 
and  Donelson,  because  he  was  convinced 
that  Fremont  was  a  Catholic.  Mr.  Schaffer 
has  written  a  spicy  letter  in  reply  to  this 
"  roorback."  He  says  that,  as  an  American, 
he  is  not  bound  by  the  action  of  the  Philadel 
phia  convention,  any  more  than  his  brethren 
of  Massachusetts,  of  Connecticut,  and  of  every 
New  England  State.  That  convention,  he 
says,  was  not  an  "  American  convention."  As 
far  as  the  North  was  concerned,  it  was  a  Silver 
Gray  Whig  convention ;  as  far  as  the  South 
was  concerned,  it  was  a  convention  for  the 
propagation  of  human  slavery  ;  and  the  result 
was  the  nomination  of  two  men,  one  of  whom 
glories  in  being  the  owner  of  a  hundred  slaves, 
and  the  other  (Mr.  Fillmore)  in  being  a  most 
subservient  instrument  of  the  slave  power. 
He  says : 

"  I  have  not '  returned  to  the  hearty  sup 
port  of  Fillmore  and  Donelson,'  nor  will  I  do 
any  act  or  thing  tending  to  sanction  the  out 
rages  of  pro-slavery,  nullification,  border-ruf 
fians,  who  in  addition  to  their  outrages  in  Mis 
souri  and  Kansas,  of  themselves  sufficient  to 
turn  the  cheek  of  darkness  pale  have,  from 
1852  until  now,  wrested  the  high  powers  of 
the  nation  from  their  legitimate  purpose,  to 
the  strengthening  of  the  slave  oligarchy. 

"  There  are  other'objections  to  my  support 
ing  Mr.  Fillmore,  founded  upon  the  fact  stated 
by  the  Citizen,  that  I  belong  to  the  Methodist 
Church. 

"  The  church  owes  slavery  no  particular  good 
will,  for  slavery  has  rent  that  church  in  twain ; 
has  imprisoned  women  for  teaching  the  slave 
to  read  the  Bible,  and  has  sought  in  every 
way  to  destroy  that  church,  as  being  the  op 
ponent  of  slavery  most  to  be  feared.  Let 
facts  speak.  Last  winter,  a  minister  of  the 
Methodist  Church,  in  Missouri,  was  arrested 
while  in  the  pulpit,  by  a  gang  of  men  (who, 


23 

if  they  live,  wilt  probably  vote  for  Mr.  Fill-  slavery  propagandists.  As  proof  of  this  he 
more),  who  wantonly  and  falsely  charged  him  cites  the  fact  that  two  sets  of  delegates  ap- 
with  horse  stealing ;  and  without  allowing  him  peared  from  the  State  of  Louisiana,  one  Pro- 
time  to  put  on  his  overcoat,  mounted  him  on  a  testant  and  the  other  Roman  Catholic,  both 
horse,  drove  him  gome  seventeen  miles  (the  demanding  admission.  The  Roman  Catholic 
weather  being  intensely  cold),  threw  him  into  delegation  was  received,  and  the  Protestant 
a  cheerless  room,  without  fire,  there  left  him  delegation  was  rejected.  He  concludes  his 
to  die,  and  there  he  died  !  letter  as  follows  : 

"  My  informant  is  a  Bishop  of  the  Methodist       "  I  believe  upon  the  election  or  defeat  of 

Church,  and  spoke  of  his  own  knowledge.  Col.  Fremont  will  depend  the  questions  whe- 

"  Another  instance  :  The  Rev.  Mr.  Wiley,  ther  or  not  the  black  column  of  slavery  will  be 
and  about  thirty  other  ministers  of  the  Metho-  pushed  to  the  Pacific  Ocean ;  whether  or  not 
dist  Church,  have  been  assaulted  in  their  the  African  slave  trade,  the  sum  of  all  wick- 
churches,  and  driven  from  place  to  place,  like  edness,  will  be  revived  ;  and  whether  or  not 
beasts  of  prey,  their  lives  being  every  day  in  practical  slavery  shall  be  forced  upon  the  Free 
imminent  peril.  States  under  the  decisions  of  Federal  Judges, 

"  Another  instance  :  In  Kansas,  a  Methodist  appointed  as  Mr.  Fillmore  sought  to  appoint 
minister  was  whipped,  tarred  and  feathered,  and  did  appoint  some  of  his  Judges ;  and  in 
tied  to  a  log  and  set  afloat  on  the  Missouri  short,  whether  this  country  shall  have  a  con- 
river,  stitutional  government  for  the  slave  oligarchy  ; 

"Another  instance :  Very  recently,  a  Metho-  whether  or    not   we   shall    recover   our   lost 

dist  minister  in  Missouri,  while  preaching,  was  national  honor,  and  go  on  in  peaceful  progress 

dragged  from  his  pulpit  and  tarred  and  feath-  to  the  climax  of  human  greatness  ;  or  whether 

ered  ;    while  an  old  Methodist   layman,   for  we  shall  be  destroyed  by  the  aggressive  system 

the  crime  of  expostulation  against  such  con-  of  the  slave  power." 
duct,  was  shot;  and  it  is  a  notorious    fact, 

and  One  which  Will  not    admit  Of  Controversy,       Further  Expression  of  English  Opinion  on 

that  a  minister  of  my  church  cannot  preach  Colonel  Fremont. 

the  Gospel  in  the  State  of  Missouri,  or  the  From  *&*  London  Times,  July  29. 

Territory  of  Kansas,  but  at  the  peril  of  his       Among  a  large  portion  of  the  English  public 

rard 


echo  any 

He  further  says  that  he  has  examined  all  cry,  flatter  any  prejudice,  or  pander  to  any 

the  evidence  in  relation  to  Col.  Fremont's  re-  dominant  passion,  for  the  sake  of  obtaining  or 

ligious  creed,  and  exhausted  the  means  of  in-  retaining  office  ;  and  some  instances  might  be 

formation  within  his  reach,  and  has  arrived  at  cited  to  justify  such  an  impression  as  this.  But, 

the  following  conclusions  :  true  as  it  doubtless  is  in  certain  cases,  it  is  not 

1st.  That  Mr.  Fremont's  father  was  a  French  true  that  all  who  are  candidates  for  the  highest 

Huguenot,  and  his  mother  an  American  Pro-  offices  of  American  government  and  for  the 

testant  lady.  approbation  of  the  majority  of  the  people  by 

2d.  That  Col.  Fremont  was  born  a  Protest-  whom  they  are  bestowed,  are  liable  to  such 

ant,  baptized  a  Protestant,  married  a  Protest-  criticism. 

ant  lady,  has  had  his  children  baptized  by  a  We  lately  extracted  from   the  American 

Protestant  clergyman,  educates  them  in  the  papers  a  political  address   which  is  worthy  of 

Protestant  faith,  while  he  is  a  Protestant  in  any  people  and  any  statesman.     It  is  the  reply 

practice  in  all  the  relations  of  life.  in  which  Colonel  Fremont  conveys  to  those 

3d.    I   conclude   that   Alderman    Fulmer's  partisans  who  have  nominated  him  for  the  Pre- 

statement  is  altogether  untrue.     Col.  Fremont  sidential  chair  his   willingness   to   accept  it. 

was  not  in  Washington  at  the  time  Fulmer  Colonel  Fremont  is  a  man  of  action  in  a  coun- 

says  he  conversed  with  him,  nor  within  several  try  where  action  inspires  greater  admiration 

months  of  that  time.  than  cultivated   taste  or  philosophical  reflec- 

Mr.  Schaffer  says  that  if  he  should  refuse  tion  ;  and  the  events  in  which  he  has  taken  a 

to  vote  for  Mr.  Fremont  because  of  his  being  conspicuous  part  cannot  fail  to  exercise  a  great 

a  Roman  Catholic,  he  could  not  vote  for  Mr.  influence  over  the  fortunes,  not  only  of  the 

Fillmore ;  and  for  the  reason,  that  the  Con-  American  States,  but  the  whole  civilized  world, 

vention  which  nominated  Mr.  Fillmore  was  Too  little  is  known  in  Europe  of  the  geography 

controlled  by  Roman  Catholics  as  well  as  by  and  recent  history  of  the  New  World  for 


Colonel  Fremont's  real  merits  to  be  appreciated 
through  the  haze  of  exaggeration.  But  as 
the  leader  of  the  pioneers  whose  courage  first 
forced  a  path  for  western  adventure  over  the 
fastnesses  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  to  the  trea 
sures  of  California,  he  is  fairly  entitled  to  take 
his  rank  among  those  benefactors  of  mankind 
who  have  brought  moral  and  physical  hardi 
hood  to  the  performance  of  works  suggest  ed 
by  science  and  accomplished  by  perseverance. 
Such  a  man  must  have  many  admirers  among 
his  own  countrymen,  yet  few  Englishmen, 
judging  by  the  tone  of  the  American  papers, 
and  the  speeches  of  American  legislators,  were 
prepared  to  find  that  a  man  distinguished 
rather  by  his  past  career  than  his  present  par 
tisanship,  was  popular  enough  to  command  a 
nomination  to  the  Presidential  chair ;  and 
fewer  still  to  find  that,  when  solicited  to  com 
pete  for  the  honor,  he  could  address  to  his 
fellow-citizens  a  reply  so  little  vulgarized  by 
the  passions  of  the  day,  so  little  tainted  by  the 
epidemic  fever  of  jealousy  and  violence. 

*  *  *  * 

But  if,  as  a  Republican  addressing  Republi 
cans,  he  is  freespoken  on  the  subject  of  Ame 
rican  aggressiveness,  he  is  no  less  freespoken, 
when,  as  a  Southerner,  he  remonstrates  with 
the  Southern  States  against  the  extension  of 
State  slavery.  In  this  point  his  words  will  find 
divided  sympathy  there,  but  universal  sym 
pathy  here ;  and  we  suspect  that  even  in  the 
United  States  his  sentiments  will  ere  long  com 
mand  the  adhesion  of  the  majority.  He  does 
not  express  himself  to  his  followers  in  the  lan 
guage  of  cant  or  exaggerated  humanity.  He 
seizes  on  that  which,  to  a  practical  man,  is  the 
blot  of  the  system  which  would  allow  the  ad 
mission  of  more  Slave  States  into  the  Union. 
He  denounces  its  glaring  inconsistency  with 
the  principles  on  which  the  Constitution  of  the 
republic  is  based,  and  with  the  material  of 
prosperity  of  that  large  class  of  free  citizens 
whose  subsistence  depends  upon  the  corres 
pondence  between  soil  and  employment. 
***** 

To  create  new  Slave  States  is  to  increase  the 
numbers  of  a  population  which  conscious  power 
may  some  day  arm  for  the  vindication  of  out 
raged  feelings  and  violated  rights.  But  it  is 
something  more  ;  it  is  to  deprive  the  free  citizen 
of  that  employment  for  his  labor  which  is  his 
only  property ;  it  is  to  create  that  monopoly  of 
territorial  possession  which  is  so  obnoxious  to 
republican  equality  and  simplicity.  With 
every  new  Slave  State  there  is  a  fresh  accession 
of  strength  to  a  party  which,  however  patriotic 
it  may  be  in  its  support  of  the  national  honor 


abroad,  cannot  give  a  hearty  assent  to  the 
spirit  of  national  institutions  at  home.  What 
ever  policy,  therefore,  tends  to  multiply  the 
slaveholders  or  those  interested  in  slavery, 
tends  also  to  foster  a  race  who  can  only  be 
half-republicans  at  heart.  Colonel  Fremont's 
language  on  this  point  is  as  sound  as  it  is 
honest : 

"  It  would  be  out  of  place  here  to  pledge 
myself  to  any  particular  policy  that  has  been 
suggested  to  terminate  the  sectional  contro 
versy  engendered  by  political  animosities 
operating  on  a  powerful  class  banded  together 
by  common  interests.  A  practical  remedy  is 
the  admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union  as  a 
Free  State.  .  .  .  That  fatal  act  which  gave 
birth  to  this  purely  sectional  strife,  originating 
in  the  scheme  to  take  from  free  labor  the 
country  secured  to  it  by  a  solemn  covenant, 
cannot  be  too  soon  disarmed  of  its  pernicious 
force.  The  only  genial  region  of  the  middle 
latitudes  left  to  the  emigrants  of  the  Northern 
States  for  homes  cannot  be  conquered  from  the 
free  laborers  who  have  so  long  considered  it 
as  set  apart  for  them  as  an  inheritance,  with 
out  provoking  a  desperate  struggle." 

We  have  seen  other  addresses  lately  which 
certainly  did  not  meet  this  awkward  question 
in  so  bold  a  strain,  but  which  coquetted  with 
it,  played  with  it,  and  rang  the  changes  on  the 
"  federal  union,"  the  "  preservation  of  our  in 
stitutions,"  and  the  "  merging  of  particular 
theories  in  the  safety  of  the  Republic."  We 
trust  that  the  citizens  of  the  States  will  know 
how  to  appreciate  a  courage  which  will  neither 
palter  with  a  momentous  question  nor  seek  to 
base  the  safety  of  the  Republic  upon  a  timid 
compromise ;  and  if,  by  his  courage  and  his 
ability,  Colonel  Fremont  secures  the  object  of 
his  patriotic  ambition,  we  certainly  shall  con 
gratulate  the  States  and  this  kingdom  on  the 
elevation  of  a  man  who  seems  to  reconcile 
patriotism  with  regard  for  the  rights  of  others, 
and  the  resolution  to  do  great  things  with  the 
graceful  abstinence  from  bragging  of  them. 

From  the  N.  Y.  Evening  Post. 
Fremont  In  the  South. 

STATE  OF  OPINION  IN  VIRGINIA. 

It  is  truly  said  that  there  is  a  much  larger 
number  of  persons  in  the  Slave  States  who  do 
not  favor  the  extension  of  slavery,  and  who 
would  be  very  glad  to  see  an  end  of  the  insti 
tution  among  themselves,  than  is  revealed  by 
any  external  indications.  In  many  cases  they 
make  no  secret  of  their  opinions  in  conversa 
tion,  but  they  do  not  express  them  by  any 
mode  of  publication  through  the  press,  or  in 


25 

public  meetings,  or  in  any  political  organiza-       Our  readers  jaay  judge  for  themselves,  from 

tion.     We  have  lately  had  the  means  of  in-  the  political  silence  and  inaction  in  which  the 

forming  ourselves  concerning  the  feeling  of  more  liberal-minded  part  of  the  people  of  Vir- 

the  population  of  those   counties  of  Virginia  ginia   are  held  by   the   slaveholders,   how  in- 

which  lie  among  the  Alleghanies  in  regard  to  compatible   is  the   slavery  of  the  black   race 

the  great  question  of  the  day.    In  con  versa-  with  the  perfect  freedom  of  the    white  race, 
tion  with  an  intelligent  native  Virginia  from       Although  the  press  and  professional  politi- 

that  quarter,  he  remarked  that  he  was  in  favor  oians  represent  the  people  of  Western  Virginia 

of  the  election  of  Fremont,  and  that  if  his  to  be  loyal  to   the   institution  of  slavery,0  yet 

vote  would  make  him  President,  he  would  give  /  do  know  that   if  the  question  should  be  fairly 

it  in  a  moment.     "  Your  doctrine,"  he  said,  laid  before  the  voters  of  this  city,  a  very  large 

"  that  slavery  in  the  States  must  be  left  to  the  and  respectable  majority  would  be  found  op- 

action  of  the  States,  but  that  its  introduction  posed  to  the  extension  of  slavery.     And  more 

into  the  Territories  should  be  resisted,  ought  to  than  this ;  when  Toombs  and  his  followers  at- 

satisfy  any  reasonable  man  at  the  South,  and  tempt  to  carry  out  their  threat,  the  South  will 

does  satisfy  me  and  the  greater  number  of  my  secede  in  case  of  Fremont's  election ;  they  will 

neighbors.     The  policy  of  excluding  slavery  find  that  Western  Virginia,  at  least,  will  not 

from  the  Territories  is  older  than  the  Constitu-  be  with  them.     Here  will  be  found  an  undi- 

tion.  and  it  is  a  policy  which  we  do  not  wish  vided  people,  true  to  the  Union.     And  should 

to  see  superseded."  that  day  ever  come,  it  will  be  found  that  the 

So  far  as  we  can  learn,  there  are  parts  of  Republican  party,  North  and  South,  is  the  true 

Virginia,  along  the    Alleghanies,    near  the  union  party.  T.  j. 

Southern  frontiers  of  the  State,   in  which  two 

thirds  of  the  inhabitants  entertain  the  same  VIRGINIA  TYRANNY.  —  An  .interesting 
sentiments  with  those  expressed  by  the  gen-  letter  is  published  in  the  Buffalo  Republic 
tleman  to  whom  we  refer.  As  you  go  North-  from  Mr.  J.  C.  Underwood,  the  Virginia  ref- 
ward  they  become  still  more  general.  The  ugee.  He  says  that  Charles  Stetson,  the  no- 
only  reason  why  those  who  think  thus  do  not  ble-hearted  landlord,  would  take  nothing  from 
form  a  political  organization,  is  the  wish  to  him  while  he  was  at  the  Astor  House.  This 
live  in  peace.  The  slaveholding  influence  is  case  of  Mr.  Underwood's  expulsion  from  Vir- 
so  powerful,  so  intolerant,  and  so  despotic,  that  ginia,  for  quoting  Jefferson,  is  the  most  aston- 
a  Fremont  electoral  ticket  nominated  in  Vir-  ishing  fact  of  the  kind  in  American  history.— 
ginia  would  be  the  signal  of  angry  feuds,  which  He  says : — 
would  not  stop  short  of  violence.  "My  expulsion  from  home  was  most  unex- 

In  the  meantime,  however,  this  influence  of  pected.  I  knew  there  was  intense  feeling  in 
the  slaveholders  rests  on  a  somewhat  insecure  favor  of  extending  slavery,  and  the  hope  of  a 
foundation.  The  greater  part  of  the  white  large  increase  in  the  price  of  slaves  resulting 
population  is  composed  of  persons  who  do  not  from  the  extension  of  the  slave  market.  Gov. 
own  slaves.  "  What  would  you  do,"  said  a  Wise  had  just  inflamed  this  avarice  by  saying, 
gentleman  to  a  crowd  of  people,  principally  of  substantially,  in  his  ratification  speech  at 
this  class,  assembled  during  the  sittings  of  the  Richmond,  'elect  Buchanan  and  spread  slavery 
court,  in  one  of  the  Virginia  interior  counties,  over  the  Western  Territories,  and  you  will 
"  what  would  you  do  if  it  became  necessary  to  increase  the  price  of  slaves  from  $1000  to  from 
fight  the  North  in  defence  of  the  right  of  the  $3000  to  $5000.'  But  I  had  no  idea  of  the 
slaveholders  to  the  persons  of  the  work-peo-  madness  which  the  Governor's  extravagant 
pie  ?"  "  We  should  let  those  who  own  the  declaration  had  produced.  Besides,  we  had, 
niggers  fight  for  their  right  to  keep  them,"  not  long  ago,  a  transaction  which  I  had  sup- 
was  the  instant  answer.  It  is  one  of  the  dan-  posed  had  produced  some  calmness,  reflection, 
gers  of  slavery ,  that  the  slaveholders  are  in  a  and  even  moderation  on  the  part  of  our  pro- 
minority,  and  that  public  opinion,  in  no  coun-  slavery  men. 

try,  and  least  of  all  in  ours,  is  constant  in  one       "  The  case  I  refer  to  was  this.     One  of  the 

purpose,  and  that  it  may    easily  happen  that  most  worthy  men  of  which  any   country   can 

the  prejudices  on  the  one  side,   and  the  fears  boast,  Samuel  M.  Janney,  a  Quaker  minister, 

on  the   other,  by  which  the  oligarchy   in  the  residing  near  me  in  Loudon  County,  Virginia, 

Slave  States  is  now  supported,  may,  in  some  had  been  indicted  for  what  was  deemed  a  se- 

peculiar  conjuncture,  lose  their  force,  and  the  ditious  publication  in  one  of  our  newspapers, 

slaveholders  find  themselves  at  the  mercy  of  But  it  was  found,  on   examination,  that  the 

those  whom  they  now  hold  in  awe.  words  complained  of  were  almost  literal  quo- 


26 

tations  of  Jefferson  and  John  Wesley,  and  the  sailants.     The  Wheeling  press  comment  in  se- 

ComaioiiweaUh's  attorney  became  very  willing  vere  terms  upon  the  organization,   composed, 

and  anxious  to  enter  a  nolle  prosequi  and  let  as  they  assert,  of  Northerners,   and   threaten 

the  Quaker  go.     Having  this  case  before  me,  it-*  members  with  dire  punishment  if  they  at- 

I  confined   myself,  in  my  Philadelphia    Con-  tempt  to  hold   another   meeting.     It   remains 

vention  remarks,  to  quotations  from  Jefferson,  to  be  seen  whether  free  speech  can  thus  sum- 

and  I  studiously  avoided  even  his  harsher  ex-  marily  be  supressed  in  the  Old  Dominion. 

pressions.     You  know  he  says,  '  if  the  slaves 

should   rise  in  arms  against  us,  the  Almighty  From  the  Boston  Journal. 

has  no  attribute  which  could   take  sides  with          WHY  FKEMOHTT   HAS    IVOT  A 

us  in  the  contest.'     I  certainly  said  nothing  SOUTHERN  I»AKTY. 

that  could  compare  with  this.  Fremont  has  no  party  at  the   South,  and, 

"  I  have  just  received  a  letter  from  a  poor  therefore,  he   is  sectional,   say   the   Northern 

neighbor,  asking  when  I  will  return,  and  prom-  supporters  of  Buchanan.     Those  who  read  the 

ising  an  armed  and  mounted  escort  of  at  least  account  of  the  Fremont  meeting  in  Wheeling, 

fifty  of  my  neighbors,  from  the  railroad  depot  Va.,  the  lynching  of  the   principal   speaker, 

to  my   farm,  a  distance  of  ten  miles.     I  can  and  the  approving  comments  of  the  press   of 

hardly  resist  the  strong  inclination  I  feel  to  go  that  city,  designed   to  prevent  a  similar  gath- 

horne.     But  I  have  thus  far  yielded  to  the  ad-  ering,  will  readily   understand  why   Fremont 

vice  of  friends,  and   the  unqualified   remon-  has  no  party  at  the  South.     It  is  not  because 

strance  of  my  wife,   who  believes  it  would  be  he  has  not  plenty  of  friends  in  that   section, 

rushing  upon  certain  destruction.     She  points  but   that   system   of  intimidation   which   the 

to  our  little  children,  and  claims  her  right  to  slave  power  is  now   trying  upon   the   freemen 

my  aid  in  their  care  and   education,  and  that  of  the  North,  effectually   represses  freedom  of 

appeal  is  irresistible.  speech  and  of  action.     The  Fremont  electoral 

'.'  I  have  written  a  great  many  letters  home  tickets  which  have  been  put  up  in  Kentucky, 
to  try  and  allay  the  excitement,  and  my  wife  Maryland,  and  other  Southern  States,  would 
has,  through  Gen.  Spinner,  appealed  to  Gov.  get  twenty  votes  where  they  now  will  one,  if 
Smith,  an  old  friend  of  her  family,  and  the  every  man  were  free  to  express  his  own  opin- 
representative  in  Congress  of  the  district  ions.  The  New  York  Mirror  well  says  : 
where  the  most  violent  proceedings  against  "  We  sincerely  and  honestly  believe,  that  if 
me  have  been  held.  The  General  informs  Mr,  Fremont's  principles  and  platform  were 
that  he  presented  the  letter  to  Gov.  Smith,  thoroughly  understood  and  the  embargo  on pub- 
who,  in  returning  it,  the  General  says,  seemed,  lie  demonstrations  in  his  favor  removed,  a  large 
in  common  with  other  Virginians,  to  be  pos-  and  gallant  Southern  party  would  rally  to  his 
sessed  with  the  idea  that  I  had  forfeited  my  support.  As  the  matter  now  stands,  the  ul- 
right  of  residence  in  Virginia,  and  that  where  traists  require  as  much  submission  from  the 
there  was  no  statute  law  to  meet  the  case,  moderate  thinkers  among  them  as  they  have 
they  had  a  right  to  rely  on  common  law. —  previously  extorted  from  the  North.  In  fact, 
What  common  law  is  meant,  I  don't  know ;  they  have  grown  more  exacting.  Formerly, 
perhaps  it  is  the  4  higher  law,'  though  I  am  a  man  who  manifested  no  disposition  to  inter- 
rather  inclined  to  believe  it  must  be  a  lower  fere  with  slavery  in  the  States  was  considered 
law."  ******  <  sound  ;'  now  the  test  of  orthodoxy  is,  that  no 

Southern  man  shall  oppose  its  extension  ;  and 

VIRGINIA  FREEDOM. — We  recently  an-  the  347,000  slaveholders  require  of  the  500,- 
nounced  the  formation  of  a  Republican  Asso-  000  non-slaveholding  voters,  not  merely  a 
ciation  at  Wheeling,  Va.  From  the  Wheel-  pledge  to  make  no  attempt  to  replace  slave  la- 
ing  papers  we  learn  that  a  meeting  of  the  As-  bor  by  free  labor,  but  a  concurrence  in  the 
sociation  was  held  on  the  evening  of  the  15th  ignominious,  unjust  and  fraudulent  Territorial 
inst.,  which  ended  in  a  fight.  An  address  was  policy  of  the  Pierce  administration." 
delivered  by  Dr.  G.  P.  Smith.  No  particu-  The  Wheeling  Times,  in  its  comments  upon 
lar  disturbance  appears  to  have  taken  place  this  riotous  demonstration,  acknowledges  that 
during  the  meeting,  but  afterwards  Smith  was  u  there  are  many  men  in  our  midst  who  think 
attacked  by  a  crowd  in  the  street,  and  he  was  slavery  an  evil,  more  on  account  of  the  white 
taken  to  jail  in  order  to  prevent  being  lynch-  man  than  the  negro,  and  favor  a  system  of 
ed.  Although  Smith's  friends  did  not  partici-  wise,  peaceable  and  gradual  emancipation. — 
pate  in  the  fight,  yet  he  defended  himself  Such  men  are  to  be  found  in  abundance  in 
bravely,  and  severely  wounded  two  of  his  as-  the  South." 


Translated  from  the  Staats-Demokrat,  August  12. 

LOOK  AT  MISSOURI. — Germans  in  the  Free 
States  who  lend  themselves  to  aiding  the  slave 
ry  extensionists  must  blush  when  they  see 
their  brothers  in  the  Slave  States  battling 
against  the  enemy  of  freedom.  St.  Louis, 
the  metropolis  of  Missouri,  has  spoken,  and  her 
German  population  have  joined  in  the  cry 
•which  makes  the  party  of  the  reaction  trem 
ble. 

The  Freesoiler  Blair,  who  openly  condemned 
the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and 
declared  for  free  speech,  free  labor,  and  free 
Kansas,  is  elected  to  Congress  from  the  St. 
Louis  district.  The  votes  of  German  citizens 
aided  to  achieve  this  victory. 

All  honor  to  the  German  population  of  St. 
Louis.  Though  residing  in  a  Slave  State,  they 
nevertheless  remain  true  to  freedom. 


MISSOURI. — A  St.  Louis  correspondent  of 
the  Chicago  Tribune  asserts  that  the  Benton 
vote  of  Missouri  would  have  been  much  larger 
had  it  not  been  for  the  silent  but  effectual  in 
timidation  of  the  slaveholders.  There  are  1 25,- 
000  votes  in  Missouri,  but  only  90,000  were 
cast.  He  thinks  the  inference  not  unfair,  that 
the  thirty  thousand  silent  voters  would  vote  for 
free  Kansas.  The  writer  says  : 

"  A  gentleman  who  witnessed  the  voting  in 
an  up-the-river  district,  described  the  follow 
ing  scene  and  made  these  statements  : — When 
ever  a  German  came  forward  to  deposit  his 
vote,  the  rabble  around  the  polls,  who  were 
armed  with  side  arms,  would  shout  —  '  Stand 
back  —  make  way  for  this  wolly-head.'  When 
ever  a  known  Benton  man  of  peaceable  char 
acter  appeared,  the  same  language  was  made 
use  of. 

This  intimidated  hundreds  in  that  country. 
It  is  a  serious  matter  to  be  "  spotted"  by  the 
ruffians,  especially  when  one  lives  among 
them.  Quiet  men,  who  wished  to  live  at  peace 
among  their  neighbors,  but  who  are  opposed 
to  ruffian  sovereignty,  remained  at  home. 

The  Atchison  Democrats  had  tickets  of  a 
peculiar  kind — I  mean  up  the  river.  They 
were  issued  on  fine  note  paper,  with  a  flyleaf; 
a  blue  ribbon  was  attached  to  the  sheet,  and 
pro-slavery  mottoes — as,  for  example,  "This 
ticket  is  sound  on  the  goose"  —  were  printed 
around  the  names  of  the  candidates. 

Unorganized  decency  had  no  chance  against 
organized  ruffianism. 

From  the  Boston  Chronicle. 
The  following  statement  of  facts,  which  we 
take  from  the  ^Boston  Chronicle,  will  serve  to 


prove  that  the  Republican  cause  has  its  sym 
pathizers,  and  even  active  supporters,  at  the 
South : 

"  Some  seven  years  ago,  William  S.  Bailey, 
a  hard-working,  ingenious  mechanic  of  New 
port,  Ky.,  a  machinist  by  trade,  with  a  large 
family,  and  a  hatred  of  slavery  such  as  only 
an  experience  of  its  unspeakable  oppressions 
on  the  white  mechanic  as  well  as  the  negro 
can  engender,  resolved  to  speak  out,  with  such 
education  as  he  has  been  able  to  pick  up, 
through  types  of  his  own.  In  a  Slave  State, 
where  such  men  as  Birney  and  Cashius  M. 
Clay  had  been  frustrated  in  their  efforts  to  es 
tablish  an  anti-slavery  press,  the  attempt  of  a 
mere  mechanic  was  looked  upon  as  hopeless. 
But  he  procured  press  and  types,  taught  his 
own  family  to  print,  and  went  ahead.  His  pa 
per  met  with  favor  among  men  of  his  own 
class.  The  slaveholders  set  on  ruffians  to  mob 
him,  but  with  his  own  workmen  and  friends 
he  defended  his  printing  apparatus  successful 
ly.  They  got  up  opposition  papers  and  lost 
their  money.  Bailey  having  a  machine  shop, 
with  a  good  many  hands  in  his  employ,  put  his 
press  and  types  in  the  upper  story,  and  when 
the  ruffians  came  to  attack  his  paper,  the  stur 
dy  workers  in  the  metals  were  ready  to  pitch 
into  them.  Finding  no  other  way  to  subdue 
him,  about  four  years  ago,  they  set  fire  to  his 
shop  and  burnt  down  the  whole.  There  was 
no  insurance,  and  his  loss,  about  $6000,  made 
him  a  poor  man. 

"  By  straining  every  nerve  and  stretching  his 
credit,  he  procured  printing  materials  and  re 
vived  his  paper.  It  is  now  printed  weekly 

and  daily bears  the  flag  of  Fremont  and 

Dayton  —  having  all  its  types  set  by  the  pro 
prietor's  oivn  family  of  ten  children  —  and  is 
the  only  daily  paper  in  Kentucky  out  of  Lou 
isville.  It  is  a  fixed,  living  fact.  It  has  a  con 
stituency.  It  is  a  political  power  in  Ken 
tucky.  It  has  opened  the  eyes  of  tons  of  thou 
sands  —  they  are  poor  whites  to  be  sure,  but 
many  of  them  will  vote  the  Freedom  ticket  at 
the  risk  of  becoming  poorer.  Mr.  Bailey  is 
now  in  this  city,  and  assures  us  that  he  verily 
believes  if  Kentucky  could  be  stumped  for 
Freedom,  and  the  mode  of  voting  were  such 
that  the  non-slaveholders  could  vote  their  true 
wishes  without  jeoparding  their  livelihood, 
the  State  would  give  a  decided  majority  for 
Fremont  and  Davton. 

"  With  such  a  power  in  his  hands,  and  such  a 
prospect  before  him,  this  brave  mechanic  finds 
himself  burdened  with  a  debt  of  some  $500, 
and  without  means  to  renew  his  worn  type. 
We  have  seen  a  letter  from  Cassius  M.  Clay, 


fully  admitting,  that  if  he  would  abandon  his 
paper,  he  might,  by  his  mechanical  skill,  at 
once  surround  himself  with  comfort.  But  he 
is  determined  to  make  Kentucky  a  Free  State, 
and  deliver  the  white  non-slaveholders  from 
their  cruel  bondage." 

From  the  Mobile  Advertiser. 

"  There  are  men  here  in  Alabama,  and  in 
this  county,  who  are  not  ashamed  to  own  a  pre 
ference  for  Fremont,  or  any  other  abolitionist, 
to  Buchanan.  How  can  the  South  ever  ex 
pect  to  maintain  her  self-respect,  or  obtain  her 
just  rights,  if  she  even  endures  such  persons  on 
her  soil,  much  less  permits  them  to  occupy  in 
fluential  positions  within  her  borders  1 " 

From  the  New  York  Post. 
More  Shutting  of  the  Eyes  to  See  In  the  South. 

The  telegraph  announces  the  expulsion  from 
Mobile  of  Wm.  Strickland  and  E.  Upson, 
composing  the  firm  of  Strickland  &  Co.,  book 
sellers  and  stationers,  in  that  city,  for  selling 
books  of  what  are  termed  an  "  incendiary 
character." 

A  committee  of  five  was  appointed  by  some 
body  to  wait  upon  them,  and  tell  them  to  leave 
within  five  days.  They  left  without  delay. 
They  were  large  dealers  in  books,  and  Mobile 
will  miss  them  seriously. 


"  The  result  of  such  a  course  will  be  to  unite 
the  German  voters  at  the  coming  election. 

"  I  must,  however,  beg  you  to  forward  to 
me  a  formal  written  guaranty  to  accept  and 
abide  by  my  stipulations  before  12  o'clock  M., 
this  day.  If,  up  to  that  hour,  such  a  guaranty 
is  not  received,  I  shall  act,  and  you  must  then 
bear  the  consequences. 

"  Respectfully  y'rs,          C.  F.  HEUNISCH. 

"Notary's  Office,  97  Exchange  place." 


The  Terrorism  of  the  Press  in  STew  Orleans. 

The  following  communication  appears  in  a 
German   paper   published   in   New   Orleans, 
which  is  slightly  tinged  with  Freesoilism  : 
"To  the  Editors  of  the  Deutsche  Zeitung : 

"  Gentlemen  :  The  course  which  your  jour 
nal  has  pursued  within  the  last  few  months  is 
undoubtedly  calculated  to  bring  disgrace  and 
dishonor  upon  all  citizens  of  German  extrac 
tion,  who,  because  supporting  such  a  sheet, 
are  denounced  as  abolitionists.  This  state  of 
things  must  have  an  end.  I  have,  therefore, 
prepared  some  extracts  from  your  journal, 
which  will  prove  it  to  be  a  stumbling  block 
that  cannot  be  tolerated  in  this  section  ;  and 
these  extracts  I  shall  send  to  an  Anglo- 
American  paper  for  publication.  You  wilt 
readily  perceive  that  the  further  existence  of 
your  journal,  after  such  exposure,  will  be 
out  of  the  question.  Before  having  recourse 
to  this  extreme  measure,  however,  I  will  give 
you  timely  warning.  I  now  tender  the  follow 
ing  propositions : 

"  1.  Hoist  the  Democratic  flag  immediately, 
and  publish  the  entire  Democratic  ticket  until 
after  the  election. 

"  2.  Advocate  publicly  and  purely  the  Dem 
ocratic  principles. 


From  the  Chicago  Tribune. 

PENSACOLA,  Leake  Co., 

Miss.,  July  2, 1856. 
Editors  Chicago  Tribune: 

*  *  *  I,  in  common  with  many  South 
ern  men,  feel  a  deep  interest  in  your  success 
in  the  Kansas  struggle,  as  well  as  in  the  ensu 
ing  Presidential  election ;  but  we  dare  do 
nothing,  as  we  should  thereby  expatriate  our 
selves,  or  suffer  intolerable  persecution  from 
the  slaveholders  and  those  under  their  influ 
ence.  I  long,  however,  to  mount  the  stump 
and  tell  my  Northern  friends  what  many 
Southern  men  really  do  think  of  public  affairs 
in  the  present  crisis.  But  we  are  tongue-tied — 
speechless,  and  dare  not  open  our  mouths  in 
defence  of  equal  rights  and  free  labor,  without 
falling  under  the  merciless  displeasure  of  the 
"  Oligarchy,"  as  you  Northerners  correctly 
call  them.  Yet  many  of  us  would  brave  their 
anger  and  malevolence,  but  for  our  families 
and  relations  that  would  suffer  on  our  account 
the  ruthless  vengeance  of  the  public  oppressors 
of  our  fair  land. 

****** 

Many  a  silent  but  earnest  prayer  will  be 
uttered  for  your  complete  success  in  Novem 
ber,  by  true-hearted  patriots  south  of  Mason 
and  Dixon's  line,  who  will  work  and  vote  for 
Fillmore  as  the  least  of  two  evils,  trusting  that 
their  thraldom  may  be  overthrown  by  the  suc 
cess  of  Fremont.  He  is  our  hope  and  morn 
ing  star.  If  he  sets  in  darkness,  our  last  hope 
expires,  and  leaves  us  in  gloom.  May  God  in 
his  mercy  avert  such  a  calamity  from  our  land. 
His  success  will  revive  the  smouldering  fires 
of  freedom  in  the  breasts  of  tens  of  thousands 
of  non-slaveholders  by  compulsion.  Before 
his  four  years  end  there  will  be  a  powerful 
gradual  emancipation  party  organized  in  all 
the  Northern  Slave  States  on  Clay's  plan,  while 
we  farther  South  in  the  cotton  and  sugar  region, 
will  conjure  the  right  of  Free  Speech,  and  of 
subscribing  to,  and  receiving  such  newspapers 
as  we  please.  Work  and  pray  for  Fremont ; 
but  be  sure  and  work  whether  you  pray  or 
not.  Yours  truly,  ** 


Free  Speech  and  Fremont  In  Texas. 

If  any  one  wishes  to  know  why  delegates 
from  the  Southern  States  were  not  more  gen 
erally  in  attendance  upon  the  convention  that 
nominated  Col.  Fremont,  and  why  electoral 
tickets  in  his  favor  will  not  be  generally  run 
in  the  South,  they  may  have  their  innocent 
eyes  opened  by  reading  the  following  report 
of  the  proceedings  of  a  public  meeting  held 
the  other  day  at  Galveston,  Texas. 

From  the  Galveston  News. 

Proceedings  of  a   Public  Meeting  in  Calves- 
ton,  Texas. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Galveston? 
convened  to  take  into  consideration  the  pro 
priety  of  permitting  Lorenzo  Sherwood  to  ad 
dress  the  people  in  defence  of  his  course  in  the 
last  legislature,  Col.  M.  Williams  was  called 
to  the  chair,  and  Alfred  F.  James  appointed 
secretary,  when,  after  explaining  the  object  of 
the  meeting,  it  was 

Resolved,  That  the  following  letter,  pre 
pared  and  read  by  Mr.  Ballinger,  be  addressed 
to  Mr.  Sherwood  as  embracing  the  views  and 
sentiments  of  this  meeting,  in  relation  to  the 
contemplated  address : 

"  GALVESTON,  Monday,  July  7,  1856. 

"Lorenzo  Sherwood,  Esq., —  Sir:  At  a 
public  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Galveston, 
convened  this  morning  at  the  court-house,  in 
consequence  of  your  public  notice  that  you 
would  make  an  address  this  evening  in  de 
fence  of  your  course  in  the  last  Legislature,  it 
was  unanimously  resolved  to  notify  you  of  the 
well-considered  sentiments  and  resolute  deter 
mination  of  the  people  of  Galveston,  as  fol 
lows: 

"  That  your  right,  in  common  with  every 
other  citizen,  to  free  opinion,  free  discussion, 
and  the  largest  liberty  of  self-defence,  is  fully 
recognized,  and  will  be  respected.  (?) 

"  But  there  is  one  subject  connected  with 
your  course  in  the  Legislature — that  of  slavery 
— on  which  neither  you,  nor  any  one  entertain 
ing  your  views,  will  be  permitted  to  appear  be 
fore  the  community  in  a  public  manner.  That 
your  views  on  that  subject  are  unsound  and 
dangerous,  is  the  fixed  belief  of  this  communi 
ty,  caused  by  your  own  speeches,  writings  and 
acts. 

"  We  are  aware  that  either  actually  or  seem 
ingly,  you  wholly  misapprehend  the  real  views 
of  the  people  of  Texas,  and  suppose  that,  by 
explanation  and  argument,  you  can  make  your 
anti-slavery  theories  and  plans  inoffensive  and 
acceptable.  How  far  this  should  be  attribu 
ted,  on  your  part,  to  delusion,  and  how  far  to 
design,  is  not  material.  The  slavery  subject  is 
not  one  which  is  open  to  you  before  us. 


"  You  are,  therefore,  explicitly  and  peremp 
torily  notified,  that,  in  your  speech,  you  will 
not  be  permitted  to  touch,  in  any  manner,  on 
the  subject  of  slavery,  or  your  opinions  there 
on,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  or  by  way  of 
explanation  or  otherwise.  Under  the  pretext 
of  the  personal  right  of  self-defence,  you  will 
not  be  tolerated  in  any  attempt  to  defend  your 
course  in  the  Legislature  on  this  subject,  which 
was  an  aggression  on  the  rights,  and  an  out 
rage  on  the  feelings  of  the  State  of  Texas,  and 
much  more  on  those  of  the  people  of  Galves 
ton,  whom  you  misrepresented,  than  on  any 
other. 

"  The  entire  subject  of  slavery,  in  all  its  con 
nections,  is  forbidden  ground,  which  you  shall 
not  invade. 

"  Your  introduction  of  it  in  any  manner  will 
be  the  prompt  signal  for  consequences  to  which 
we  need  not  allude. 

"  It  has  been  asserted  that  you  have  some 
supporters  in  this  community  on  that  subject. 
We  trust  not.  But  if  so,  and  if  they  have  suf 
ficient  presumption  to  undertake  to  sustain 
you  in  any  further  discussion  on  this  subject, 
before  the  people,  they  will  make  this  evening 
the  occasion  for  the  definite  and  final  settle 
ment  of  that  issue,  both  as  to  you  and  to  them. 

"  We  trust,  however,  that  you  will  confine 
yourself  to  matters  of  legitimate  public  interest 
and  discussion,  and  will  not  hereafter,  either  in 
public  or  private,  further  abuse  the  patience 
of  a  people  with  whom,  on  that  question,  you 
have  no  congeniality,  and  whom  you  wholly 
misunderstand. 

"  This  communication  will  be  read  to  the  as 
sembled  public  before  you  proceed  with  your 
speech ;  and  you  will  clearly  understand,  is  not 
to  be  the  subject  of  any  animadversion  by  you." 

The  meeting  was  addressed  by  Messrs.  W. 
P.  Ballinger,  P.  R.  Edwards,  H.  Stuart,  T.  M. 
Joseph,  B.  C.  Franklin,  S.  M.  Williams,  F. 
M.  Merriman,  O.  Farish,  M.  B.  Menard,  N. 
John,  and  J.  J.  Hendly. 

Col.  S.  M.  Williams,  Judge  B.  C.  Franklin, 
Wm.  P.  Ballinger,  Esq.,  and  Col  E.  McLean 
were  appointed  a  committee  to  deliver  to  Mr. 
Sherwood  a  copy  of  the  letter  addressed  to 
him  by  this  meeting, 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Hamilton  Stuart,  Esq., 
all  those  opposed  to  the  action  taken  by  this 
meeting  were  requested  to  withdraw,  where 
upon  Messrs.  Joseph  J.  Hendly  and  Stephen 
Van  Sickle  retired. 

The  meeting  then  adjourned  to  meet  again 
this  evening  at  the  place  appointed  by  Mr. 
Sherwood  to  deliver  his  address. 

SAMUEL  M.  WILLIAMS,  Chairman. 

A.  F.  JAMES,  Secretary. 


30 

In  addition  to  the  foregoing,  the  reader  will  selves,  or  which  would  be  to  others.  Our  be- 
remeraber  the  recent  indictment  of  a  man  in  liefis<  or»  speaking  more  candidly,  our  fear  is, 
Arkansas  for  circulating  Sumner's  speech. 
Also  the  violent  breaking  up  of  a  meeting  con 
vened  at  Baltimore,  September  1 1  th,  for  nom- 
inating  a  Fremont  electoral  ticket  for  Mary-  The  following  extracts  are  selected  from  au- 
laad.  The  Kepublican  party  a  geographical  thentic  records  of  opinions  expressed  by  men, 
7-  i  TT/?  s  n  •  -4  ,T,  j.  4i  c  t-L  j  a^  °f  whom  are  now  prominent  supporters  of 
party!  Whose  fault  is  it  that  the  South  does  Buchanan  or  FiUmor£: 

not  go  for  him  ?  BY  SEXATOR  YULEE,  OF  FLORIDA. 

u  For  my  part,  I  am  ready  to  proceed  to  ex- 

What  the  South  thinks  of  Fremont's  Chance.     ,  3   h  .,    J  •..     *\    ,.  /.  ,, 

The  editor  of  the  Georgia  Telegraph,  a  Bu-   «™£  measures'  even  to  the  dissolutlon  <*the 
chanan  paper,  has  recently  visited  New  York,  BY  SENATOR  BBQ        QF  MISSISSIPPI. 

and  writes  from  that  city  July  10  as  follows,  M  If  ^  Wi,mot  proviso  Jg  ^  d  h  wiR 
with  regard  to  the  political  prospects :  raise  gtorm  h  m  gwe  Pthis  Uni 

"The  current  of  floating-  opinion   here  ia   and  j  God  devoutl    /wffl  £      „ 

most  decided  that  Fremont  will  carry,  without  J 

difficulty,  every  non-slaveholding    State,  even  BY  MR"  MOBSB'  op  W^ISIANA. 

Pennsyfvania.  I  have  just  seen  a  friend  who  The  Southern  man  who  will  stand  up  and 
returned  yesterday  from  the  rural  districts  in  Sa7  that  ne  1S  for  tne  Union,  '  now  and  forev- 
Pennsylvania,  and  he  says  the  drift  is  all  for  er>' is  more  dangerous  to  the  people  he  rep- 
Fremont,  so  far  as  he  could  see.  So  west-  resents  than  those  who  are  m  open  hostility, 
ward,  I  hear,  all  the  indices  of  the  popular  If  California  be  trammelled  with-  a  preamble 
feeling  are  for  Fremont.  I  saw  yesterday  a  declaring  the  Territory  now  free,  I  am  willing 
Southern  friend  who  has  been  locomoring  to  dissolve  the  Union." 
around  Vermont  and  the  strongest  abolition  BY  MR.  STANTON,  OF  TENNESSEE. 

regions  of  New  England  —  a  talking  and  ob-  "  When  the  Wilmot  Proviso  i?  adopted,  I 
serving  friend,  and  a  "  dyed-in-the-wool '  Dem-  and  the  South  are  ready  to  walk  out  of  the 
ocrat.  He  said  he  found  only  three  Buchan-  Union." 

an  and  one  Fillmore  man  in  those  parts.     In        BY  SENATOR  BUTLER,  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 
the  city  here,  which  is  naturally  rather  liberal       "  I  do  not  make  the  salvation  of  the  Union 
and  cosmopolitan   in  opinion,  the  Free  Soil  the  paramount  question." 
ticket  rules  the  roost.     The  most   moderate  of  BY  SENATOR  MASON,  OF  VIRGINIA. 

the  old  Whig  party  are  going  for   Fillmore,       «  It  is  time  the    oke  was  thrown  oir  and  the 
but  the  bulk  of  that  party  is  going  for  Fre-   question  settled." 
mont.     The  first  classification  named  compre-   ?  rorrorK    OP  PP-O^PTA 

i  ins*,i  i  i«»iii  •"  ^     Mxt.    COLLOClv,    OF    (jrEO-RGIA. 

hends  all  of  the  more  modern  political  devel-       ..  Tf  ..     ,TT.,      .  .  W.    .       ,      , , 
opment  of  Know  Nothingism,  which  Mr.  Fill-  f      If  the  Wilraot  Proviso  should  pass  m  any 
more  seems  likely  to  get.     Buchanan's  vote,  fo/m'  IrTW1.11  in;™duce  a  bill  for  the  dissolution 
so  far  as  can  be  judged,  is  confined  to  the  reg-   ° :  tlie  Union' 

ular  Democracy,  shorn  of  the  more  Free  Soil-  BY  MR-  MEAD'  OF  VIRGI^IA. 
ish  and  fishy  portion  of  the  same."                           "  If  you  exclude  us,  I  am  not  willing  to  sub- 
mit.  We   intend   to  have   the  land 

The    New    Orleans    Bulletin  cautions  its  peaceably  if  we  can, /orc/%  if  we  must." 
friends  not  to  be  deceived  or  misled,  for  BY  MR-  MCWILLE,  OF  MISSISSIPPI. 

"  No  honest  journal  will  gainsay  the  fact  "  The  people  of  the  South  know  their  rights, 
that  the  cause  of  Free-soilism  is  gaining  ground,  and  will  maintain  them  at  all  hazards,  even 
and  the  election  of  Fremont  is  not  an  improb-  should  disunion  result.  *  *  *  The  South 
able  contingency."  must  defend  their  rights  at  the  expense  of 

- ,  blood." 

From  the  N.  o.  Courier,  August  22.  The  following  resolution  was  adopted  at  a 

As  to  the  chances  of  the  several  candidates,.  Congressional  caucus  of  Southern  Democrats 
we  expect  we  know  just  as   much   as  any  one   hekfin  Washington,  January,  1849  : 
else,  fully  as  competent  to  judge,  and  just   as       "Resolved,    That    the    dissolution    of   the 
much  entitled  to  credit  and  confidence.     We   Union   is  preferable  to  the  submission  of  the 
can  arrive  at  no  conclusion  satisfactory  to  our-    South  to  the  Wilmot  Proviso." 


31 

The  following  toasts  were  drank  at  a  Demo-  From  the  "  South  side  (Va.)  Democrat,"  Aug.  29. 

cratic  4th   of  'July  celebration  at  Atchison  A  STRANGE  POSITION.  —  We  regret  that 

City,  in  Kansas  :  there  is  a  newspaper  in  Virginia  which  holds 

"Disunion  :  —  By  secession  or  otherwise  —  such  language  as  the  following  :  — 

a  beacon  of  hope  to  an  oppressed  people,  and  «  The  election  of  Fremont,  whatever  it  may 

the  surest  remedy  for  Southern  wrongs.     [En-  lead  to,  certainly  will  not  in  itself  be  a  viola- 

thusiastic  cheers.]  "  tion  of  the  Constitution  ;  nor  are  we  to  take  it 

"The  City  of  Atchison:  —  May  she,  before  conclusively  for  granted  that  the  Constitution 

the  close  of  the  year  '57,  be  the  capital  of  a  milst  needs  suffer  violence  under  his  adminis- 

Southern  republic.     [Cheers.]  "  tration.     It  will  be  time  enough  for  the  most 

LISTEN   TO   THE   FATHER   OF   MODERN  DEMOCRACY.     ultM  Secessionists  and  disUttionistS  at  the  South 

T      -nor   HT     n  if  •  A     j       i  •   ,     i      to   cal1  out  *or  extreme  measures  when  the 

In    1835,  Mr.  Calhoun   introduced  into  the  exigency  shall  arise." 

Senate  a  bill,  "to  prohibit  the  circulation  in  The  Norfolk  Herald  is  responsible  for  this 

the  Slave  States  of  any  publication  or  picture  sentiment.     We  think  it  will  not  increase  its 

touching  the  subject  of  slavery,"  through  the  circulation,  or  render  itself  more  popular  in 

TT    a         .,       T                      /•  \i  •     i  -11      i  •  i  the  estimation  of  its  readers,  by  making   such 

U.  S.  mails.    In  support  of  this  bill,  which  an  avowal>     The  Hemld  mils/know  &  be_ 

was  opposed  by  Mr.  Webster  and  Mr.  Clay  lieve  that  THE  SOUTH  WILL  NEVER  SUBMIT 
and  never  passed,  Mr.  Calhoun  uttered  the  TO  BE  GOVERNED  BY  THE  BLACK  REPUB- 
following  audacious  doctrine  :  LICAN  PARTY.  This  paper  has  already  been 

ho  ' 


b,  i  r 

passthlsb,lI,IshallSaj-tothepeopleoftheSoutb,  f  Frmont         d  we  h         for  the  8ake  of 

fZ"  S^TZs^U  thS  ^  Virginia  and  the  .hole  SoPuth,  that  it  may  be 

decision  .hat  it           the  South       ,  nev-  ^S^^SSfSK  ™ 


riority  of  yours.     *     *     *     Let  it  be  fixed, 

let  it  be  riveted  in  every  Southern  mind,  that  MR.  FILLMORE    PATTING    THE    SOUTHERN 

the  Jaws  of  the  Slaveholding  States  for  the  pro-  DISUNIONISTS  ON  THE  BACK  !     EXTRACT 

tection  of  their  domestic  institutions  are  para-  FROM  ms  ALBANY  SPEECH. 
mount  to  the  laws  of  the  general  government 

in  regulation  of  commerce  and  the  mail,  and  "  Sir>  7OU  have  been  Phased  to  say  that  I 

that  the  latter  must  yield  to  the  former  in  the  have  the  union  of  tbese  States  at  heart-    ['  You 

event  of  conflict  ;  and  that,  if  the  government  have'  >T°U  have>  sir/]     Thls'  sir'  1S  most  true  5 

should  refuse  to  yield,  the  States  have  a  ri^ht  for'  if  there  be  one  obJect  d«arer  to  me  than 

to  interpose,  and  we  are  safe."  any  other>  li  1S  the  Umt7»  prosperity,  and  glory 

of  this  great  republic  [great  cheering]  ;  and  I 

From  the  "  Boston  Journal."  confess  frankly,  sir,  that  I  fear  it  is  in  danger. 

WHO   ARE    THE    DISUNIONISTS  ?  —  Gov.  I  say  nothing  of  any  particular  section,  much 

Wells,  of  Maine,  in  a  late  speech  at  Rockland,  less  of  the  several  candidates  before  the  people. 

enunciates  the  following  entirely  characteristic  I  ptesume  they  are  all  honorable  men.     But, 

sentiment  :  —  sir,  what  do  we  see  V      An  exasperated  state 

"  If  Fremont  should  be  elected,  the  South  of  feeling  between  the  North  and  the  South 

will  secedj,  and  the  Democratic  party  of  the  on  the  most  exciting  of  all  topics,  resulting  in 

North  will  sustain  the  South.    Shall  the  Demo-  bloodshed  and  organized  military  array.     But 

crats  of  the  North  be  ruled  by  the  Republi-  this  is  not  all,  sir. 

cans  ?     No,  never."  "  We  see  a  political  party  presenting  candi- 

This  is  but  another  way  of  saying  that  the  dates  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presidency, 

Northern  Democrats,  who   are   now  so   loud-  selected,  for  the  first  time  from  tLe  Frte  States 

mouthed  in  their  professions  of  devotion   to  alone,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  electing 

the  Union,  will  help  to  break  up  this  glorious  these  candidates  by  suffrages  of  one  part  of 

confederacy,  if  they  find    themselves,  as  they  the  Union  only  to  rule  ever  the  whole  United 

are  likely  to,  in  a  minority  at  the  approaching  States.      [Cries  of  '  Shame  !  shame  1  ']      Can 

election.  it  be  possible  that  those  who  are  engaged  in 


such  a  measure  can  have  seriously  reflected 
upon  the  consequences  which  must  inevitably 
follow,  in  case  of  success  ?  CAN  THEY  HAVE 
THE  MADNESS  OR  THE  FOLLY  TO  BELIEVE 
THAT  OUR  SOUTHERN  BRETHREN  WOULD 
SUBMIT  TO  BE  GOVERNED  BY  SUCH  A 
CHIEF  MAGISTRATE  ?  .  .  . 

"  These  are  serious,  but  practical  questions  ; 
and,  in  order  to  appreciate  them  fully,  it  is 
only  necessary  to  turn  the  tables  upon  our 
selves,  and  suppose  that  the  South,  having  a 
majority  of  the  electoral  votes,  should  declare 
that  they  would  only  have  slaveholders  for 
President  or  Vice-President,  and  should  elect 
such  by  their  exclusive  suffrages  to  rule  over 
us  at  the  North,  —  do  you  think  we  would 
submit  to  it?  [Cries  of  'No.']  No,  not  for 
one  moment.  And  do  you  believe  your 
Southern  brethren  less  sensitive  on  this  sub 
ject  than  you  are,  or  less  jealous  of  their 
rights  ?  ['  No,  no.']  If  you  do,  let  me  tell 
you,  you  are  certainly  mistaken.  And  there 
fore  you  must  see,  that,  it'  this  sectional  party 
succeeds,  it  leads  inevitably  to  the  destruction 
of  this  beautiful  fabric,  reared  by  our  forefa 
thers,  cemented  by  their  blood,  and  bequeathed 
to  us  as  a  priceless  inheritance  !  " 


From  the  "  Boston  Journal." 

A  SOUTHERN  CONFEDERACY.  —  The 
Washington  correspondent  of  the  New  Or 
leans  Delta  indirectly  lets  out  some  of  the 
secrets  of  the  Nicaragua  and  Cuba  move 
ments.  We  ask  attention  to  the  closing  para 
graph  in  the  following  extract,  in  which  the 
purpose  of  forming  a  Southern  confederacy, 
embracing  Cuba,  Nicaragua,  and  Mexico,  is 
frankly  avowed :  — 

"  Fremont  is  gaining  ground  daily.  There 
is  no  doubt  of  it.  There  is  the  greatest  anxiety 
here.  The  wildest  alarm  is  manifested  by  the 
political  managers.  The  long  slumbering  sen 
timent  of  the  Northern  people,  so  long  sup 
pressed  and  hidden  from  the  South  by  political 
party-hacks,  and  diverted  from  its  course  by 
the  compromise  of  the  Constitution,  is  out  at 
last  in  the  open  day.  There  is  no  disguise 
now.  The  irresponsible  and  radically  uncon 
stitutional  masses  of  this  Northern  Free  So 
ciety  are  upon  us.  The  wolf  is  in  our  path. 
The  crisis  which  Mr.  Calhoun  predicted  is  at 
hand.  There  is  only  one  single  hope  on  which 
to  hang  a  faith  in  our  success.  It  is  that  the 
larger  majority  of  the  Northern  people  are  not 
actually  and  conscientiously  opposed  to  slavery. 
There  are  people  here  from  the  North  who 
stoutly  assert  it.  There  are  plenty  of  Southern 


men  who  eagerly  believe  it,  and  retail  their 
convictions  to  a  too  credulous  public.  The 
North  not  anti-slavery  ! 

"  We  have  one  consolation  at  least,  and  that 
is  that  we  can  and  will  outlive  the  degradation 
of  Fremont's  election.  It  w  11  unite  us.  It 
will  hasten  that  event  (a  Southern  confederacy 
embracing  Cuba,  Nicaragua,  and  Mexico) 
which  many  regard  as  inevitable,  by  present 
ing  an  issue  in  which  the  South  will  unite  to 
a  man.  The  insult  of  such  an  election  of  such 
a  man,  on  such  a  platform,  will  not  be  borne 
by  the  Southern  people.  It  will  be  a  blow  in 
the  face  ! " 

Whether  the  attempted  organization  of  a 
Southern  republic  will  be  advanced  or  retard 
ed  by  the  election  of  Fremont  is  a  matter  of 
opinion.  We  differ  from  the  writer,  and  will 
state  the  grounds  for  our  belief  that  the  tri 
umph  of  Fremont  would  save  the  Union.  The 
establishment  of  a  Southern  confederacy  is  a 
scheme  which  has  long  been  entertained  by 
the  Southern  secessionists ;  and  the  policy  of 
the  Democratic  administrations,  which  they 
control,  has  unmistakably  tended  to  ripen  it. 
The  annexation  of  Texas  was  the  first  step 
towards  the  accomplishment  of  this  notable 
scheme.  Then  followed  the  Mexican  war, 
with  its  territorial  acquisitions,  extending  still 
further  our  Southern  frontier.  The  Taylor 
and  Fillmore  administrations  were  not  con 
trolled  by  the  secessionists,  who  returned  to 
power  with  Pierce,  and  re-commenced  their 
work.  One  of  their  first  measures  to  promote 
the  carrrying  out  of  their  scheme,  under  the 
existing  administration,  was  to  obtain  by  pur 
chase  another  large  slice  of  territory  from 
Mexico,  including  a  route  for  a  Southern  rail 
road  to  the  Pacific.  They  have  already  esta 
blished  a  foothold  in  Nicaragua,  and  expected 
to  acquire  Cuba  during  this  administration, 
but  have  failed  to  find  a  plausible  pretext  for 
a  war  with  Spain.  The  acquisition  of  Cuba 
is  therefore  deferred  until  the  anticipated  elec 
tion  of  Buchanan,  who  is  pledged  to  make  this 
a  leading  object  of  his  administration. 

The  election  of  Fremont  will  defeat  for  a 
time,  and  perhaps  for  ever,  this  notable  scheme 
of  the  Southern  secessionists.  It  is  no  part  of 
their  purpose  to  secede  until  their  plans  are 
fully  ripe  ;  and  we  predict  that  there  will  be  no 
open  movement  to  establish  a  Southern  con 
federacy  until  Cuba  is  acquired,  and  a  Southern 
railroad  is  built  with  the  federal  money.  Then 
not  all  the  labors  and  self-sacrifices,  the  mov 
ing  appeals  and  patriotic  genuflexions,  of  the 
Union-savers  of  the  North,  will  prevent  the 
Southern  conspirators  from  making  an  attempt 


33 

to  dissolve  the  Union.    We  may  defer  the  evil  is  not  pledged  to  the  lips  in  favor  of  disunion. 

day  by  check-mating  the  schemes  of  the  se-  We  have  had  enough  of  the  '  Glorious  Union.' 

cessionists ;   but  we  are  only  hastening  it  by  The  association,  on  our  part,  has  long  been 

helping  them  to  build  up  an  overshadowing  dishonorable  ;  now,  what  with  genteel  scoun- 

power  South  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line.  drelism,  exhibited  in  fashionable  bankruptcies, 

foreign   and  free  negro  riots,  open  and  pro- 

From  the  "  Boston  Journal."  fessed   infidelity,  &c.,  &c.,  the  connection   has 

The  Kichmond  Enquirer,  one  of  the  ablest  become  actually  disreputable.     A  thoroughly 

and  most  influential  of  the  Southern  journals  organized  disunion  party  is  the  desideratum ; 

that  support  Buchanan,  does  not  hesitate  to  and>  until  such  be  formed  at  the  South,  all 

avow  that  it  seeks  disunion,  and  that  it  ad-  time  devoted  to  political  discussion  will  be 

vocates  Mr.   Buchanan's  election   because   it  time  wasted. 

strengthens  the  disunion  party.     The  following  Still  another  Buchanan  paper,  the  New  Or- 

extracts  from  an  article  in  the  Enquirer  show  leans  Delta,  incautiously  avowed,  some  two  or 

the  ulterior  objects  of  the  Southern   slave-  three  weeks  aS°» that  there  was  a  desiSn  to 

holders  : *°rin  a  Southern  confederacy,  embracing  Cuba , 

«  The  election  of  Mr.  Buchanan  may,  and  Nicaragua,  and  Mexico. 

probably  will,  originate  a  reaction  in  public  Would  lfc  not  be  wel1  for  the  intense  Umon- 
opinion  that  will  encourage  the  extension  of  the  loving  (?)  orators  and  journals  of  the  Buchan- 
conservative  institution  of  slavery,  and  the  ex-  an  Partv  of  the  North  to  Denounce  the  Rich- 
tension  of  the  British  and  Southern  European  mond  Enquirer,  the  Charleston  Mercury,  the 
races,  for  the  purpose  of  stemming  and  turning  New  Orleans  Delta,  and  those  members  of 
back  the  torrent  of  infidelity,  materialism.  Congress  who  are  "  pledged  to  the  lips  m  favor 
sensuality,  agrarianism,  and  anarchy,  that  of  disunion,"  before  they  attempt  to  arraign  as 
threatens  to  overwhelm  us  from  the  prolific  traitors  public  men  and  presses  who  have 
hive  of  Northern  Europe.  never  given  utterance  to  an  unpatriotic  senti- 

"  The  election  of  Mr.  Buchanan  would  be  a  ment>  and  wh(?se  ,motto  is>  "  LibertV  for  the 

reactionary  movement  in  favor  of  slavery  and  sa^e  °f  ™e  Union    ! 
conservatism. 

"'Forewarned,  forearmed.'     We  see  the  SOUTH  CAROLINA  SCRIPTURE.  —  We  have 

numbers,  the   character,  the   designs  of  our  heard  a  good   deal  of  late  from   the   Rufus 

enemies.     Let  us  prepare  to  resist  them,  and  Choates,  and  such  other  wandering  political 

drive  them  back.  stars  of  the  geographical  party  who  propose  to 

"  Let  the  South  present  a  compact  and  un-  go  for  Col.  Fremont,  and  who  lay  it  down  as 

divided  front.    Let  her  show  to  the  barbarians  the  cardinal  principle  of  their  platform,  that 

that  her  sparse  population  offers  little  hopes  of  they  do  not  league  together  against  the  Union, 

plunder ;   her  military  and  self-reliant  habits,  The  leading  journal  of  Charleston,  S.  C.,  has 

and  her  mountain  retreats,  little  prospects  of  the  following  most   extraordinary  and  revolu- 

victory ;  and  her  firm  union  and  devoted  reso-  tionary  sentiments  :  — 

lution,  no  chances  of  conquest.  LET  HER,  IF  "  THERE  is  NOT  A  SINGLE  PUBLIC  MAN 
POSSIBLE,  DETACH  PENNSYLVANIA  AND  IN  HER  LIMITS,  NOT  ONE  OF  HER  PRESENT 
SOUTHERN  OHIO,  SOUTHERN  INDIANA  AND  REPRESENTATIVES  OR  SENATORS  IN  CON- 
SOUTHERN  ILLINOIS,  FROM  THE  NORTH,  GRESS,  WHO  is  NOT  PLEDGED  TO  THE  LIPS 

AND   MAKE  THE  HIGHLANDS  BETWEEN  THE    IN   FAVOR    OF    DISUNION.        Indeed,    W6   Well 

OHIO  AND  THE  LAKES  THE  DIVIDING  LINE,  remember  that  one  of  the  most  prominent 

LET  THE  SOUTH  TREAT  WITH  CALIFORNIA,  leaders  of  the  cooperation  party,  when  taunted 

AND,  IF  NECESSARY,  ALLY  HERSELF  WITH  with  submission,  rebuked  the  thought  by  say- 

RUSSIA,  WITH  CUBA  AND  BRAZIL.  ing,  that,  in  opposing  secession,  he  only  took  a 

"  A  common  danger  from  without,  and  a  step  backward  to  strike  a  blow  more  deadly 

common   necessity   (slavery)    within,  will   be  against  the  Union." 

sure  to  make  the  South  a  great,  a  united,  a  If  this  sentiment  was  made  at  the  North  by 

vigilant,  and  a  warlike  people."  a  Fremont  journal,  it  would  be  paraded  at  the 

The   Charleston   (S.  C.)  Mercury,  another  head  of  all  the  Democratic  papers,  as  a  reason 

Buchanan  paper,  bluntly  avows  the  same  ob-  to  go  for  Buchanan.     But  when  it  is  made  in 

ject :  —  a  Democratic  organ  in  another  State,  that  hap- 

"  There  is  not  a  single  public  man  in  her  pens  to  be  (it  could  be  no  worse)  a  Slave 

limits  (South  Carolina),  not  one  of  her  present  State,  it  attracts  no  attention   from   them.     It 

Representatives  or  Senators  in  Congress,  who  seems  the  South  Carolina  members  of  Congress 


34 

are  pledged,  absolutely  pledged,  to  disunion,  —  and  injustice  which  have  roused  the  indigna- 

that  the  Keitts  and  Brookses,  if  they  can,  will  tion  of  all  the  Free  States  during  the  past  few 

strike  deadly  blows  at  the  Union.  So  their  years ;  it  will  also  paralyze  the  efforts  of  the 

leading  organ  declares.  few  who  are  disposed  to  interfere  unlawfully 

The  sacredness  of  South  Carolina  we  cannot  with  the  tenure  of  slave  property  within  the 
see ;  still  less  because  it  happens  to  be  a  Slave  States.  On  the  other  hand,  the  election  of 
State.  Does  that  make  South  Carolina  a  Buchanan  will  be  construed  into  a  popular 
sainted  community  ?  Does  treason  there  grow  approval  of  the  pro-slavery  policy  of  the  late 
to  be  as  sacred  as  the  Scriptures  ?  Do  the  administration,  and  will  invite  further  agres- 
Choates  and  Curtises  go  for  South  Carolina,  sions,  which  will,  of  course,  be  followed  by  a 
because  its  chief  men  in  Congress  are  striking  still  more  violent  agitation.  We  were  in- 
deadly  blows  at  the  Union  ?  They  go  for  formed  only  this  morning,  by  a  Democrat  of 
South  Carolina,  —  why,  it  is  more  than  is  in  many  years'  standing,  that  he  meant  to  vote 
our  power  to  discover.  —  New  Bedford  Mer-  for  Buchanan  as  the  quickest  way  of  bringing 
cury.  the  question  of  freedom  or  slavery,  civilization 

or  barbarism,  in  this  country  to  a  crisis.  He 

Let  it  be  observed  that  the  ultra  Abolition-  said,  that,  if  Buchanan  was  elected,  he  would 

ists,  who  avowedly  seek  the  dissolution  of  the   n?*  carrv  on.  h!s .  administration  four  years 

TT  .  /.     T,     T  Xl  ,.  without  abolitionizin£  the  country. 

Union,  go  for  Buchanan,  as  the  surest  way  of       We  incline  to  ^  that  he  JJ  CQrrect  in 

accomplishing  their  end.  his  logic,  though  we  do  not  see  so  clearly  the 

THE  ABOLITIONISTS  AND  BUCHANAN. —  wisdom  of  the  course  of  action  to  which  it 
We  have  already  published  Garrison's  avowed  guides  m'm-  Fremont  is  the  conservative  can- 
preference  for  the  election  of  Buchanan  over  didate  in  this  campaign  ;  and  his  election,  we 
that  of  Fremont,  and  now  we  find  his  followers  confidently  believe,  would  promptly  put  an 
taking  the  same  ground.  end  to  the  sectional  agitation  which  has  left 

Parker  Pillsbury,  a  prominent  Garrisonian,  the  country,  for  years  past,  a  prey  to  dema- 
in  a  speech  at  Framingham  on  the  4th  of  July,  g°gues  and  noodles, 
declared  his  preference  for  the  election  of  Bu 
chanan,   "because  it  would    tend   to  promote  From  the  New  Bedford  Mercury, 
and  influence  the  anti-slavery  agitation,  while        What  are  the  Real  Questions  in  issue  ? 
that  of  Fremont  would  tend  to  a  cessation  of       The  present  political  contest  differs  from  all 
it."                                                                         previous  ones  IN  ITS  DIRECT  BEARING  UPON 
So  also  H.  N.  Smith,  an  earnest  disciple  'of  THE  INTERESTS  OF  THE  LABORING  CLASS. 
Garrison,  writes  from  the  West,  that,  if  Fre-   Other  important  issues  which  have  from  time 
mont  is  elected,  "  the  Union  will  be  strength-   to  time  been  presented,  have  borne  n  ore   di- 
ened,  and  he  fears  made  permanent ;  "  but  that   rectly     upon     capitalists     and    corporations. 
Buchanan's  election  will  produce  such  fierce   Though  a  wise  political  economy  teaches  us 
and  continued  agitation  in  Kansas  and  all  over   that  no  one  link  in  the   great   chain  of  indus- 
the  country,  that  the  Union  can   hardly  last   trial  pursuits  can  be  broken  without   seriously 
through  his  term  of  office.     "  For  these  rea-   affecting  the  rest  more  or  less  remotely,  it  has 
sons,"  says  Mr.  Smith,  "  I,  AS  A  CONSISTENT   required  a  close  train  of  reasoning,  and  large 
OPPONENT  or   ANY    UNION    WITH    SLAVE-  field  of  illustration,  to  prove   the  ultimate   ef- 
HOLDERS,  EARNESTLY  DESIRE   THE  ELEC-  feet  upon  the  great  mass  of  the  people. 
TION    OF    MR.  BUCHANAN  ;    FOR    THAT,  I       In  the  present  campaign,   however,  the  is- 
THINK,    WILL    BRING    THE    UNION    TO    A   sue  is  forced  upon  us  with  the  most  unmistak- 
SPEEDY  CLOSE."  —  Portland  Advertiser.            able  distinctness.    It  is  the  great  question  of 

the  supremacy  of  free  over  slave  labor.     It  is 

From  the  "New  York  Post."  a  question  which  appeals  to  the   self-interest 

The  Way  to  quiet  Slavery  Agitation.        no  less  than  the  self-pride  of  the  laborer.     Ev- 

The  Anti-Slavery  Standard  is  opposed  to  the   ery  man  who  is  in  favor  of  the  present   remu- 

Republican  movement,  because  it  will  stop  sla-  nerative  rate  of  wages  at  the  North,  who  wish- 

very  agitation,  and  "  will,  in  its  benumbing  and   es  to  preserve  for  himself  an  honorable  inde- 

satisfying  influence,  retard  the  movements  of  pendence,   to   whom  the   dignity   of  labor  is 

the  slaves'  redemption."  dear,  should  ask  himself  the  question  whether 

No  doubt  the  election  of  Fremont  will  have   he   is   ready  to   stultify  himself  by  voting  for 

both  thtse  tendencies.    It  will  stop  slavery  agi-   that  party  candidate  whose  avowed  policy  it  is, 

tation,  because  it  will  put  an  end  to  the  fraud   to  bring  slave  labor  into  direct  competition  with 


35 

that  of  the  freeman.     The  triumph   of  FRE-  plains  his  repudiation  of  Mr.  Buchanan.    Kead 

MONT  and  DAYTON   will  be   the  victory  of  it,  citizens,  adopted  and  native  ;  it  will  do  you 

freedom  over   slavery — of  the   sacred   rights  good.     It  is  a  noble  and  manly  letter,     it  has 

which  have  descended  to  us  from  the  Revolu-  been  furnished  us  by  J.  F.  Donaldson,  Esq.,  of 

tion,   over   the   vile   squatter   sovereignty   of  this  place,  to  whom   it  is  addressed  : 
Douglas  and  the  Democratic  party  who  uphold  -RTTT^A    ^    TI     IK   IQKP 

him,  and  who  believe   the   Declaration  of  In-       „        c.        T    BUFFALO,  July  15,  1856. 
dependence  to  be  only  enthusiastic  declama-       Dear  feir  :     I  have  to  acknowledge  the  re- 

tion.  ceipt  °f   y°ur  letter  asking  me  to  visit  the 

The  Democratic  party  is  so  only  in  name.  connties  of  Tioga  and  Lycoming.  1  have  de- 
Its  Democracy  is  a  lie,  a  cheat,  and  a  delu-  Ja>red  answering  this  invitation,  because  I 
sion.  It  is  the  party  which  has  been  the  obe-  h°Ped  to  be  able  to  accept  it ;  but  I  am  sorry 
dient  slave  of  the  aristocratic  oligarchy  of  the  to  sa?  tbat  mv  present  engagements  are  such 
South,  which  would  have  the  twenty  millions  ™at  I  cannot  fix  upon  ^  any  time  for  visiting 
of  freemen  surrender  their  dearest  privileges  Pennsylvania.  Sometime  in  the  autumn  I 
at  the  ipse  dixit  of  347,000  slaveholders,  m»y  be  able  to,  and  if  so  I  will  inform  you. 
which  has  sought  to  enforce,  by  the  bayonets  of  IT  IS  THE  SPECIAL  DUTY  OF  FOREIGN 
the  United  States  soldiers,  the  iniquitous  laws  BORN  COZENS  TO  VOTE  THE  REPUBLICAN 
of  Kansas,  and  which  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  TICKET-  Most  foreigners  come  here,  as  I  did, 
eloquent  appeals  of  her  unhappy  children  Wltb  no  other  wealth  than  the  strength  of 
for  protection  from  the  pro-slavery  ruffians.  tbeir  hands.  They  have  to  depend  upon  their 

No  laboring  man  who  has  not  either  a  very  labor  for  a11  their  h°Pes  of  future  comfort, 
weak  head  or  a  very  bad  heart,  will  vote  for  usefulness  and  dignity.  Of  all  the  blessings 
James  Buchanan,  the  representative  of  the  which  American  liberty  promises  them,  the 
Democratic  Platform.  To  attempt  to  shirk  m°st  valuable  is  the  assurance  it  gives  of  free- 
that  responsibility  by  voting  for  Fillrnore,  is  dom  to  work»  and  security  for  their  earnings, 
unworthy  of  a  high-minded  freeman,  since  it  Tbev.  can  Parfc  Wltb  a11  other  privileges— the 
is  only  an  idle  farce  so  far  as  any  chance  of  electlve.  franchise— eligibility  to  office— rather 
his  election  is  concerned.  Let  the  laboring  tban  tb's  one- 

men  of  the  North  remember,  that  Fremont  SLAVERY  DEGRADES  THE  WORKING  MAN. 
can  only  be  elected  by  the  united  efibrts  of  IT  RE°UCES  HIM  TO  THE  LEVEL  OF  THE 
the  Norih.  Already,  the  small  corporal's  guard  SLAVE-  No  Know-Nothing  proscription  can 
of  Fillmore  men  in  North  Carolina,  have  voted  be  so  effective  as  that  which  excludes  free  la- 
to  throw  their  votes  for  Buchanan,  feeling  bor  from  slave  soil-  From  ali  that  soil»  com- 
certain  that  the  contest  must  be  between  the  PnsmS  more  than  one  half  tbe  territory  of 
Democratic  and  the  Republican  parties.  Let  f he  btates>  foreigners  are  to-day  banished  by 
them  consider  that  divided  counsels  and  a  wav-  laws  more  Positive  than  any  legislative  enact- 
ering  policy  is  the  most  suicidal  course  that  ment'  and  lt:  1S  novT  the  Purpose  of  a  large  and 
they  can  adopt.  Never  before  were  such  vital  Powerful  party  to  banish  them  from  the  prai- 
interests  at  stake.  Let  them  see  to  it  that  they  "es  of  th®  West. ,  Those  regions  belong  to  all 
are  not  false  to  their  trusts,  false  to  their  hon-  J*  u.s' to  the  Southerner  and  Notherner,  the 
or  and  every  interest  which  is  near  and  dear  foreigner  and  native  ;  and  it  is  that  each  man 
to  them.  may  bave  bls  SQare,  and  enjoy  his  rights,  that 
.  the  Republican  party  enters  the  fight  this  cam- 

From  the  Wellsborough  (Pa.)  Agitator.  paign. 

Better  from  Hon.  Philip  Morsiteimer.  You  say,  sir,  that  most  of  the  Germans  in 

We  take  great  pleasure  in  publishing  the  your  neighborhood  have  hitherto  been  Demo- 
following  letter  from  the  Hon.  Philip  Dorshiem-  crats.  This  is  the  very  reason  why  they  should 
er,  of  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  so  pertinent  is  it  to  the  be  Republicans  now.  For  more  than  thirty 
question  at  issue,  and  soon  to  be  pronounced  years  I  have  been  a  Democrat,  never  voting 
upon  at  the  ballot-box.  Mr.  Dorshiemer,  as  any  other  ticket,  and  that  is  what  makes  me  a 
will  be  seen,  is  an  adopted  citizen,  a  German,  Republican.  The  Republican  policy  is  the  Dem 
and  one  of  many  of  his  distinguished  country-  ocratic  policy,  a  policy  which  was  carried  out 
men  who  have  declared  for  Fremont  and  Day-  by  the  administrations  of  Jefferson,  Monroe, 
ton.  With  him  Democracy  is  something  more  Jackson  and  Polk ;  which  received  the  ap- 
than  a  name — it  is  a  great  principle ;  and  that  proval  of  Democratic  statesmen  like  Van  Bu- 
principle  being  found  in  the  Republican,  and  ren,  Silas  Wright  and  Cass ;  and  the  constitu- 
not  in  the  so-called  Democratic  platform,  ex-  tionality  of  which  was  never,  until  within  a 


few  years,   called  into  question  by  any  Demo-       Hoping  to  see  you  in  the  course  of  a  month 
crat,  not  even  by  such  doubtful  and   unsteady   or  two,  I  remain,  most  truly,  your  servant, 
Democrats  as  John  C.  Calhoun  and  James  Bu-  PHILIP  DORSHEIMER. 

chanan.     This  new  policy  of  the  extension  of       To  J.  F.  DONALDSON,  Esq. 

slavery  is  not  Democratic  at  all.      It  was  not  

thought  so  by  its  author  until  after  he  had  left  A  SIMPLE  TRUTH  FOR  LABORING  MEN. 
the  Democratic  party  and  entered  the  Cabinet  If  yOU  vote  for  Millard  Fillmore  or  James 
of  a  Whig;  President.  Its  chief  supporters  Buchanan,  you  vote  to  deprive  yourself  and 
from  the  South  are  renegade  Whigs.  Every  your  children  of  a  just  and  equitable  return 
foreigner  ought  to  be  a  Republican,  but  if  he  for  y0ur  labor,  of  the  advantages  to  be  derived 
is  a  Democrat  as  well  as  a  foreigner,  I  cannot  from  the  exhaustless  wealth  of  our  Western 
see  how  he  can  refuse  to  become  one.  Territories,  and  the  inestimable  privileges  of 

Besides,  sir,  we  adopted  citizens  ought  to  do  general  education.  And  why?  Because Mil- 
all  in  our  power  to  put  down  this  sectional  a<ji-  lard  Fillmore  and  James  Buchanan  are  the 
tation,  and  to  preserve  the  Union  of  these  representatives  of  346,524  slave  owners;  be- 
States,  upon  which  our  prosperity  and  the  pros-  cause  they  are  pledged  to  their  interests  ;  and 
perity  of  all  citizens  depend.  For  this,  what  because  those  interests  are  dependent  upon  the 
course  is  left  open  to  us  ?  On  the  one  side  degradation  of  all  labor.  Mechanics  of  the 
we  see  a  party  which  has  reopened  sectional  North  !  working  men  of  the  North  !  are  you 
agitation  ;  revived  the  slavery  dispute ;  and  ready  to  make  these  sacrifices  for  the  aggran- 
whicli  proposes  to  aggrandize  one  portion  of  dizement  of  a  miserable  minority  ?  Are  you 
the  country  at  the  expense  of  all  others,  ready  to  bow  }  our  necks  that  these  Southern 
This  party  is  now  represented  by  an  admin-  task-masters  may  place  their  ruthless  feet  upon 
istration,  the  most  influential  members  of  them  ?  If  not,  record  your  names  upon  the 
which,  and  whose  chief  supporters  in  Congress  roll  for  Fremont. — Newark  Mercury. 

are,  Southern  secessionists,  open  and  avowed  . 

disunionists.      These  men  do  not  seek  to  pre 
serve  the  Union  ;     while   in  it  they  use  the 

power  of  the   government,  so  that  Southern  A  Few  rialn  statements. 

territory  will  be  larger  when  they  go  out  of  Newspapers,  like  preachers,  are  sometimes 
it.  On  the  other  hand,  we  see  a  party,  for-  censured  for  being  too  much  afraid  of  reiterat- 
tunately  neither  large  nor  powerful,  which  be-  ing  plain  and  elementary  statements  of  facts 
sides  being  fully  committed  to  these  sectional  which  the  people  need  to  comprehend.  They 
schemes  of  disunion,  seeks  to  destroy  the  bar-  are  apt  to  take  too  much  for  granted,  andsup- 
mony  of  our  society  by  drawing  distinctions  pose  that  what  had  once  been  made  plain  to 
between  men  of  different  races  and  creeds.  their  readers,  every  one  has  read  and  thorough- 

I  have  no  choice  left  except  to  go  with  the  ly  digested.  Whereas  in  tru'h,  it  is  only  at 
only  truly  national  party,  the  great  Republican  certain  favored  moments  that  ideas  obtain  a 
party,  by  which  the  whole  country,  both  North  productive  lodgment  in  men's  minds,  so  as  to 
South,  and  all  citizens,Catholic  and  Protestant,  become  available  as  motives  to  action.  We 
native  and  foreigner,  will  be  protected  in  eve-  take  it  for  granted  that  a  multitude  of  our 
ry  right,  privilege  and  liberty  ;  and  in  whose  readers  are  now  awakened,  in  an  unusual  de- 
hands  the  federal  government  will  be  safe  gree,  to  political  questions,  and  are  in  a  state 
against  all  enemies  at  home  or  abroad.  of  mind  sure  to  welcome  the  repetition  of  a 

We  are  singularly  fortunate  in  our  candi-  few  plain  statements,  which  they  either  have 
date.  I  know  Colonel  Fremont  to  be  an  hon-  not  heretofore  distinctly  appreciated,  or  have 
est  man,  with  ability  more  than  sufficient  for  allowed  to  slip  away  in  some  measure  from 
any  duty  which  may  be  required  of  him.  His  their  recollection. 

whole  career,  all  his  associations,  show  him  to  Let  it  be  observed,  then,  that  the  leading 
be  a  truly  national  man.  He  is  the  son  of  a  issue  in  this  campaign,  is  that  of  freedom  in 
foreigner,  he  is  a  Southerner  by  birth  and  ed-  Kansas.  The  administration  is  seeking  to  es- 
ucation,  his  life  has  been  spent  in  the  service  tablish  slavery  in  Kansas,  and  to  do  it  by  the 
of  the  whole  country,  he  has  done  more  for  most  unjust  and  oppressive  measures,  and  in 
her  than  any  living  American,  and  he  is  con-  opposition  to  the  known  wishes  of  a  very  large 
scientiously  in  favor  of  that  time-honored  pol-  majority  of  the  resident  citizens  there.  The 
icy  which  protects  slavery  where  it  exists  un-  principle  on  which  we  have  started  is  that  of  a 
der  State  laws,  and  prohibits  its  extension  in-  union  of  all  who  are  in  favor  of  freedom  in 
to  territory  now  free.  Kansas.  And  we  have  nominated  such  men 


as  by  their  character  and  history  are  worthy  have  allowed  and  encouraged  the  rights  of  the 
to  be  relied  on  to  secure  this  end,  and  such  as  settlers  to  be  overborne  by  violence, 
we  judge  will  get  us  the  largest  vote,  because  The  people  of  the  Free  States  considered 
we  need  all  the  votes  of  all  who  agree  with  us  that  they  had  still  as  good  a  right  as  ever  to 
on  this  question.  We  do  not  ask  men  what  go  and  settle  in  Kansas.  They  went  there 
are  theirx  opinions  on  other  matters  ;  many  of  to  gratify  an  enterprising  disposition,  to  secure 
the  most  zealous  in  our  cause  voted  for  Presi-  a  home  and  some  land,  to  avail  themselves  of 
dent  Pierce,  and  have  been  disappointed  by  the  advantages  of  pre-emption,  with  a  chance 
him.  Several  of  our  leading  men  voted  for  of  time  for  making  payment  for  their  land, 
the  Nebraska  bill,  or  advocated  it  among  the  And  they  settled  here  and  there,  as  each  man 
people,  and  are  disgusted  with  the  manner  in  thought  for  his  own  interest,  and  as  he  had  a 
which  it  has  been  carried  out.  We  do  not  right  to  do.  They  expected  to  take  their 
call  them  to  account,  nor  expect  to  be  called  to  chance  as  to  making  Kansas  a  Free  State,  ac- 
account  by  them.  Those  who  themselves  cording  to  the  will  of  the  majority  of  settlers 
would  be  willing  to  meet  the  slaveholders  on  when  they  should  come  to  vote.  They  wished 
a  much  broader  and  more  comprehensive  it  to  be  free,  because  they  knew  that  was  but 
issue,  are  so  sensible  of  the  importance  of  pre-  for  their  own  interest,  and  but  for  the  prosper- 
serving  Kansas  at  this  time,  that  they  cheer-  ity  of  the  State  where  they  intended  to  make 
fully  forego  all  other  demands,  and  trust  to  tlieir  homes.  They  were  pursuing  a  lawful 
the  future  and  to  the  will  of  the  people  to  set-  end  only  by  lawful  means,  all  open  and  above- 
tie  other  questions  some  other  time.  It  is  a  board,  taking  the  Nebraska  bill  as  it  appeared 
union  of  honest  men  for  patriotic  purposes,  to  on  the  face  of  it,  and  according  to  the  pledges 
establish  justice  towards  Kansas,  and  to  save  of  its  friends.  But  it  soon  appeared  that  the 
the  country  from  a  great  calamity.  Every  administration,  the  authors  of  the  Nebraska 
man  who  approves  of  our  object  can  act  with  bill,  and  the  slaveholders,  had  a  very  different 
us  and  we  with  them,  without  any  violation  of  idea  of  the  intention  and  effect  of  that  bill, 
principle  or  sacrifice  of  honor  on  either  side.  The  slaveholders  have  assumed  that  by  the  bill 
On  the  Kansas  question,  let  it  be  remem-  Kansas  was  given  to  them,  it  was  theirs,  that 
bered  that  when  the  proposal  first  came  up,  they  had  an  absolute  right  to  make  it  a  Slave 
four  years  ago,  of  organizing  a  territory  west  State  and  nothing  else,  and  that  those  who 
of  the  Missouri  river,  it  was  opposed  by  Atchi-  went  there  hoping  to  make  it  a  Free  State  were 
son  and  other  slaveholders  in  Congress,  because  intruders  and  trespassers,  whom  it  was  right  to 
the  Missouri  Compromise  prohibited  slavery  resist  in  any  and  every  way  ;  to  overpower  by 
there.  Two  years  ago,  Douglas  proposed  to  force,  to  expel  and  to  kill,  just  as  many  white 
repeal  the  prohibition,  but  said  it  was  only  to  people  treat  Indians  who  stand  in  their  way. 
conciliate  the  South  by  humoring  their  wishes,  And  the  administration  too,  have  sustained  the 
while  it  would  make  no  difference  in  the  prac-  slaveholders  to  the  fullest  extent,  in  all  their 
tical  result,  because  it  was  impossible  that  demands,  and  in  all  their  outrages,  showing 
Kansas  should  ever  become  a  Slave  State.  He  that  it  was  their  original  intention  that  Kansas 
also  said  it  was  more  Democratic  to  have  all  should  be  made  a  Slave  State  at  all  hazards, 
these  questions  settled  by  the  inhabitants,  and  and  that  the  pretence  that  the  Free  States  had 
the  favorite  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty  an  equal  right  in  Kansas  was  a  deception, 
was  appealed  to  and  dwelt  upon  in  every  form  made  for  political  purposes.  Thus,  the  free 
of  speech  that  could  be  thought  of.  Multi-  settlers  were  deceived  ;  going  there  under  the 
tudes  of  people  at  the  North  believed  this  pre-  expectation  that  the  government  would  protect 
tension,  and  so  acquiesced  in  the  measure,  them,  and  give  them  just  an  even  chance,  they 
and  it  was  passed  as  a  concession  to  popular  have  found  the  administration  using  its  whole 
sovereignty.  And  those  in  the  Free  States  power  to  defeat  or  to  crush  them,  and  to  give 
who  opposed  the  repeal  of  the  prohibition,  re-  the  control  into  the  hands  of  a  minority,  and 
solved  to  make  the  best  of  it  after  it  was  to  keep  up  a  civil  war  if  slavery  requires  it. 
passed,  in  the  expectation  that  the  new  act  Such  being  the  state  of  the  case,  it  is  evi- 
would  at  least  secure  the  rights  which  were  dent  that  there  can  be  no  hope  of  justice  for 
expressly  guaranteed  by  it,  of  deciding  the  Kansas,  without  a  change  of  administration, 
question  of  slavery  by  the  votes  of  the  settlers  This  administration  is  fully  resolved  to  push  it 
in  Kansas  ;  and  they  expected  to  abide  by  the  through,  and  make  Kansas  a  Slave  State.  The 
decision  of  the  settlers  in  good  faith.  It  is  no  Cincinnati  Convention  pledged  itself  to  carry 
fault  of  theirs  that  they  have  been  disappoint-  ont  the  design,  and  its  candidates  were  nom- 
ed,  but  through  the  treachery  of  those  who  inated  and  are  solemnly  bound  to  the  same 


38 

policy.  Mr.  Buchanan's  administration  will  cease  to  agitate,  in  all  lawful  ways,  till  they 
be  but  a  prolongation  of  Mr.  Pierce's.  He  have  their  rights. 

himself  so  declared,  and  there  is  not  a  word  It  is  plain,  then,  that  there  are  only  two 
to  the  contrary  to  be  heard.  There  is  no  sides  to  this  question.  He  that  wishes  to  vote 
peace  nor  security  for  the  Free  State  men  of  for  freedom  in  Kansas,  for  justice  to  Kansas, 
Kansas  under  either.  They  will  continue  to  for  peace  and  against  civil  war,  let  him  vote 
be  held  as  enemies  and  outlaws  who  maybe  for  Fremont  and  Dayton.  If  we  elect  them,  we 
robbed  or  killed,  as  they  are  now,  and  no  have  secured  all.  If  we  fail,  we  have  done 
judge,  attorney,  jury  or  marshal  appointed  by  our  duty  to  our  country,  let  what  will  follow, 
the  administration,  thinks  it  worth  while  to  in-  He  that  votes  against  Fremont,  votes  for  slavery 
quire  who  did  it.  They  are  treated  as  of  less  and  oppression  in  Kansas,  and  for  civil  war  in  the 
account  than  Indians  or  slaves,  for  no  wrong  country,  whether  he  votes  for  Fillmore  orBuchanan. 
inflicted  upon  Free  State  men  has  been  inves-  There  is  very  little  to  choose  between  them 
tigated  or  brought  under  legal  notice  in  a  on  anv  account,  and  not  a  particle  of  differ- 
single  case.  ence  as  far  as  Kansas  is  concerned. 

The  affair  has  been  so  complicated  by  the 

mismanagement  of    the    administration,  and  From  the  N.  Y.  Post, 

such  an  exasperation  of  feeling  has  been  cher-  "What  makes  a  Sectional  candidate  ? 
ished  and  authorized  among  the  Missourians  General  Houston  has  changed  his  mind 
in  the  interest  of  slavery,  that  it  would  be  since  his  late  visit  to  Texas,  and  has  concluded 
very  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  even  for  a  just  not  to  run  for  the  Presidency  this  time.  He 
and  energetic  administration  to  quiet  the  con-  means  to  support  Fillmore  instead.  The  party 
troversy,  and  preserve  peace  and  order,  so  with  which  he  acted,  he  says,  "  although  it 
long  as  a  possibility  is  left  open  to  the  ruffians  retains  the  name  of  Democracy,  has  no  memo- 
of  effecting  anything  by  their  invasions.  It  is  ries  to  which  the  present  organization  can  re- 
now  impossible  to  secure  an  equitable  ballot  fer  without  a  blush  of  shame.  It  has  dwindled 
in  the  choice  of  a  new  territorial  legislature,  down  to  mere  sectionalism,  and  is  now  but  a 
or  of  a  constitutional  convention,  or  on  the  faction."  The  Republican  party,  on  the  other 
adoption  of  a  constitution  protecting  the  rights  hand,  is  sectional  in  its  character,  and  he  "  can- 
of  the  people  of  Kansas,  free  from  the  inter-  not  conceive  how  any  man,  loving  the  Union, 
ference  of  citizens  of  Missouri.  There  is  no  can  support  a  ticket  fraught  with  such  disas- 
way  to  get  out  of  the  difficulty  but  by  admit-  trous  consequences  to  the  whole  country  as  its 
ting  Kansas  as  a  State  under  the  Topeka  con-  success  would  be."  He  therefore  avows  his  in 
stitution.  That  is  a  good  constitution  ;  its  tention  to  support  Mr.  Fillmore,  who  corn- 
provisions  are  wisely  arranged,  its  principles  bines  in  himself,  in  a  pre-eminent  degree,  the 
are  republican,  and  there  is  ample  proof  that  objections  raised  to  both  the  others.  If  the 
it  is  acceptable  to  the  great  majority  of  actual  old  Whig  party  has  any  memories  to  which  its 
settlers.  There  have  been  no  irregularities  present  organization,  under  Fillmore,  can  re 
in  its  formation  greater  than  have  been  often  fer  without  a  blush,  then  it  is  because  its  mem- 
overlooked  in  other  cases  ;  and  the  legislature  bers  have  not  sensibility  enough  left  to  feel  as 
and  people  have  conducted  throughout  with  they  should,  in  contemplating  one  of  the  most 
singular  wisdom  and  moderation,  the  more  to  hideous  phases  of  intolerance,  bigotry  and  im- 
be  commended,  from  the  trying  and  unusual  posture  of  our  age.  In  regard  to  sectionalism, 
circumstances  in  which  they  have  been  placed,  which  is  the  specific  objection  to  the  Cincin- 
There  can  be  no  doubt  of  their  capacity  for  nati  and  Philadelphia  candidates,  we  do  not 
self-government,  and  to  do  honor  to  the  Union  see  in  what  respect  the  General  betters  him- 
as  a  sovereign  State.  No  other  State  has  com-  self  by  supporting  Fillmore.  If  either  of  the 
menced  its  history  with  a  more  worthy  class  of  three  candidates  is  sectional,  Millard  Fillmore 
settlers.  Her  admission  as  a  State  will  at  once  is  that  candidate.  He  was  nominated  by  a 
cure  all  defects  and  establish  perfect  peace,  Convention,  from  which  the  great  body  of  the 
not  only  in  that  territory,  but  throughout  the  representatives  of  every  Free  State  had  with- 
country,  and  nothing  short  of  this  will  do  it.  drawn.  He  was  nominated  by  the  delegates 
The  people  of  Kansas  are  not  to  be  taken  in  from  Slave  States  alone,  assisted  by  a  few  mi- 
by  the  specious  schemes  of  Mr.  Douglas ;  they  norities  of  their  respective  delegations  from 
know  him  and  his  plans  too  well.  Neither  are  two  or  three  of  the  Free  States,  not  one  of 
they  of  the  sort  to  acquiesce  in  the  violation  which,  however,  is  likely  to  give  Mr.  Fillmore 
of  their  rights.  Kansas  is  their  home  ;  they  an  electoral  vote, 
have  made  it  a  Free  State,  and  they  will  never  But  General  Houston  does  not  need  to  be 


39 


taught,  at  this  late  day,  that  it  is  not  the  nomi 
nation,  but  the  popular  vote  at  the  election, 
that  determines  whether  a  candidate  is  sec 
tional  or  national.  A  man  may  run  upon  his 
own  nomination,  as  the  General  did,  for  a 
month  or  two,  without  being  sectional ;  but  if 
he  is  supported  only  by  a  particular  topical 
interest,  by  the  slavery  interest,  for  example, 
or  the  manufacturing  interest,  and  is  defeated, 
then  he  is  a  sectional  candidate.  If  he  gets  a 
majority  of  the  legal  votes,  from  whatever 
States,  between  whatever  degrees  of  latitude 
or  longitude,  he  is  the  constitutional  choice  of 
the  American  people,  and  no  more  a  sectional 
candidate  than  every  candidate  is  who  gets 
less  than  a  unanimous  vote.  Now,  it  is  not 
probable  that  either  Fillmore  or  Buchanan  can 
get,  both  together,  five  Free  States.  The  best 
their  friends  expect  for  either,  is,  that  they 
may  defeat  an  election  by  the  people,  and 
have  a  chance  for  victory,  the  one  in  the 
House  and  the  other  in  the  Senate.  There 
are  some  more  sanguine  as  to  results,  but  very 
few  who  suppose  that  either  can  carry  more 
Free  States  than  there  were  Southern  States 
represented  in  the  Philadelphia  Convention. 
Will  General  Houston  pretend  that  there  is 
any  probability  of  the  Republican  candidate 
occupying  a  more  sectional  position  than  this  ? 

But  in  what,  we  beg  to  ask,  consists  the 
sectionalism  of  the  Republican  party  in  the 
eyes  of  the  Texan  Senator  ?  By  the  terms 
of  the  call  of  the  Philadelphia  Convention  all 
who  were  opposed  to  the  repeal  of  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise,  to  the  Kansas  policy  of  the 
administration,  and  to  the  nationalization  of 
slavery  by  Congressional  or  Executive  action, 
were  invited  to  send  delegates  to  it.  No  State 
or  Territory,  North  or  South,  East  or  West, 
was  deprived  of  the  privilege  of  representa 
tion.  In  what,  then,  consists  its  sectional 
character  ?  There  was  nothing,  we  believe, 
in  the  principles  avowed  by  it,  not  entirely 
accordant  with  the  principles  entertained  by 
General  Houston  himself.  He  has  said  as  bad, 
if  not  worse,  things  of  the  Douglas  legislation 
in  Congress ;  he  has  not  disguised  his  oppo 
sition  to  the  extension  of  slavery,  and  his 
friends  in  the  North  pressed  him  with  great 
earnestness  as  a  candidate,  upon  the  ground 
of  his  well-known  sympathies  with  the  Free 
State  party.  Did  the  Republican  party  sec- 
tionalize  itself  in  the  eyes  of  the  Texan 
Senator  by  avowing  doctrines  which  they 
might  have  learned  from  his  lips  ?  If  so,  then 
is  every  party  sectional  which  avows  any  dis 
puted  opinions. 

If  the  Southern   States  do  not  happen  to 


agree  with  the  Northern  States  upon  the  can 
didates  or  policy  which  they  respectively  sup 
port,  so  much  the  worse  for  the  weaker  can 
didate,  whether  of  the  North  or  South ;  but  we 
have  yet  to  learn  that  the  vote  of  a  Free  State 
for  President  is  not  worth  just  as  much  as  that 
of  a  Slave  State,  or  that  a  minority  of  slave 
holders  ought  to  have  more  weight  in  the 
choice  of  a  chief  magistrate  than  a  majority 
of  non-slaveholders.  A  constitutional  majority 
is  all  that  a  candidate  requires  to  make  him  a 
national  and  constitutional  President ;  whether 
that  majority  come  from  the  North  or  the 
South  of  the  Potomac,  or  from  the  East  or  the 
West  of  the  Alleghanies. 

In  what  sense  of  the  word,  then,  can  Colo 
nel  Fremont  be  called  a  sectional  candidate  ? 
His  mother  belonged  to  one  of  the  oldest  and 
most  influential  families  in  Virginia  ;  he  him 
self  was  born  in  Georgia,  he  was  educated  in 
South  Carolina,  and  resided  in  Slave  States 
exclusively  till  he  was  over  thirty  years  of  age. 
His  wife  is  the  daughter  of  a  Virginia  lady ; 
her  father  was  born  in  North  Carolina ;  and 
she  herself  always  resided  in  Slave  States  or 
Territories,  until  within  a  few  years.  Col.  Fre 
mont  is,  in  every  reputable  sense  of  the  term, 
a  Southern  man.  He  has  no  prejudices  in 
regard  to  slavery  which  he  did  not  acquire  at 
the  South,  nor  has  he  any,  so  far  as  we  know, 
unfriendly  to  the  best  interests  of  the  South. 
He  was  nominated,  on  the  other  hand,  'by 
delegates  representing  every  Northern  State, 
and  is  supported  with  a  greater  unanimity  at 
the  North,  apparently,  than  either  of  the  other 
candidates  is  at  the  South,  whence  they  ex 
pect  almost  exclusively  their  support. 

It  is  idle  to  call  a  candidate  thus  descended, 
educated,  associated,  nominated  and  confirmed, 
a  sectional  candidate.  Of  course,  we  did  not 
expect  Senator  Houston  to  support  Fremont 
or  any  other  Republican  so  long  as  he  has  any 
political  aspirations  of  his  own  ungratified,  for 
such  a  course  would  not  be  tolerated  by  his 
constituency  at  present ;  but  we  must  say  that, 
like  a  distinguished  citizen  of  our  own  State, 
recently,  he  has  irrevocably  lost  a  most  splen 
did  opportunity  of  keeping  silent. 

Extract  from   a  Sermon  by  Rev.  I>.  A..  Tynar, 
of  Philadelphia. 

Slavery  degrades  bodily  labor.  It  makes  a 
man's  bodily  strength  and  manual  skill  less 
availing  for  his  own  profit  and  elevation.  It 
thus  diminishes  and  takes  away  his  inherent 
property  in  himself.  It  lessens  his  pecuniary 
reward,  and  shuts  up  the  door  of  promotion. 
The  question  is,  therefore,  between  the  right  of 


40 


one  man  to  the  muscles  of  Ms  neighbor  and  the 
right  of  thousands  to  the  full  benefit  of  their 
own  muscles.  It  is  whether  one  man  is  to  leave 
his  slave  behind  him,  or  whether  a  thousand 
white  citizens  are  to  be  enslaved  if  they  go. 
The  rights  of  all  our  laboring  classes,  ten 
thousand  to  one  slaveholder,  are  invaded  in 
the  attempt  at  the  violent  subjugation  of  Kan 
sas.  Moreover,  there  are  many  methods  of 
remunerative  labor  of  more  intellectual  char 
acter  that  are  available  only  in  a  free  commu 
nity.  In  fact,  there  is  scarcely  a  department 
of  ingenuity  or  power,  which  the  history  and 
present  state  of  our  country  do  not  show  to 
be  circumscribed  and  depreciated  by  the  pres 
ence  of  slavery.  The  intellectual,  literary, 
and  inventive,  as  well  as  the  bodily  powers  of 
man,  become  less  available  for  individual  and 
social  prosperity.  Every  man,  therefore,  who 
is  not  himself  a  slaveholder,  is  interested  for 
himself,  his  children,  his  relatives  and  friends 
in  the  exclusion  of  slavery. 

"WHO  OUGHT  TO  RULE  IN  A  NATION  OF  27,000,000  ? 

THE  20,000,000  FREEMEN  OF  THE  NORTH,  OR  THE 
SLAVEHOLDING  OLIGARCHY  OF  350,000  AT  THE 
SOUTH  ?  LET  THE  FOLLOWING  EXTRACT  ANSWER 

FROM  AN  ARTICLE  BY  "  CECIL  "  IN  THE  PHILA 
DELPHIA  NORTH  AMERICAN  FOR  JULY  31. 

The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
and  the  introduction  of  these  new  doctrines  of 
constitutional  law,  are  consequences  of  a  strug 
gle  for  power  between  the  North  and  the 
South.  The  South  is  afraid  to  trust  the  pro 
tection  of  slavery  to  the  Constitution.  It 
thinks  that  slavery  can  only  be  protected  by 
extending  it,  by  gaining  new  States  for  it, 
and  thus  securing  more  political  power  for  it. 
By  the  regular  constitutional  action  of  the 
government,  the  South  cannot  do  this  without 
the  consent  of  the  Northern  States,  which  it 
cannot  be  sure  of  obtaining.  Southern  politi 
cians  have  therefore  determined  to  alter  the 
Constitution  or  disregard  it,  by  force  of  votes, 
and  it  seems  now,  also,  to  seize  on  new  territo 
ry  by  force  of  arms.  Whether  they  are  like 
ly  by  these  means  to  secure  the  safety  they 
seek,  is  worth  considering. 

THERE    is    ONE    GREAT   FACT   OUT   OF 

WHICH  THIS  CONTROVERSY  HAS  ARISEN, 
AND  WHICH  MUST  GOVERN  IT  TO  ITS  END, 
WHATEVER  THAT  END  MAY  BE,  AND  THAT 
IS  THE  SUPERIOR  POWER  OF  THE  NORTH 
ERN  STATES.  The  difference  between  the 
North  and  South,  in  all  the  elements  of  pow 
er,  now  so  vast,  is  growing  greater  every  day. 
This  is  a  stern,  inexorable  fact,  remediless,  ir 
resistible,  but  which  does  not  seem  to  have  its 


due  influence  upon  the  minds  of  our  Southern 
neighbors.  Power  has  certain  qualities  and 
laws,  sure  and  punctual  in  their  action,  which 
cannot  with  safety  be  disregarded,  and  which, 
therefore,  it  is  wiser  to  study  and  obey,  than 
to  deny  and  resist. 

This  is  a  government  of  the  people.  The 
Union  is  a  Union,  not  of  the  States,  but  of  the 
people.  The  great  fundamental  principle  of 
our  institutions  is,  that  the  majority  of  the  peo 
ple  shall  govern  the  country  by  their  represen 
tatives,  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of 
the  Constitution.  On  what  ground  then,  can 
the  South  claim  political  equality  with  the 
North  ?  Political  power  is  the  consequence 
of  superior  numbers,  and  the  North  has  the 
majority  of  .the  population  by  six  millions. 
As  a  consequence,  it  has  a  majority  of  votes 
in  Congress.  It  is  entitled  then,  not  to  equal 
ity  with  the  South,  but  to  superiority  over  it. 
In  all  questions  about  which  there  is  disagree 
ment  between  the  North  and  the  South,  the 
North  is  entitled  to  govern  the  country.  Slave 
ry  is  one  of  those  questions.  The  North  cannot 
interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  ex- 
ists,because  it  is  there  protected  by  the  Constitu 
tion.  But  the  Territories  belong  to  the  whole 
people,  andCongress  represents  the  whole.  The 
government,  the  absolute  control  of  the  Territo 
ries,  for  this  reason  is  in  Congress.  If  the  North 
has  the  majority  in  Congress  on  any  question 
relating  to  the  Territories,  as  to  that  question, 
the  North  has  rightful  power  over  the  Territo 
ries.  This  power,  moreover,  is  trust  power ; 
it  is  coupled  with  duty  and  responsibility  of 
the  most  solemn  nature,  which  concern  not 
the  present  only,  but  a  wide  and  mighty  fu 
ture.  If,  therefore,  the  people  of  the  North, 
having  rightful  power  over  this  question,  be 
lieve  slavery  to  be  an  industrial,  social  and  po 
litical  evil,  they  are  bound  to  interfere  and 
prevent  this  evil  from  being  imposed  upon  any 
portion  of  the  country  under  their  control. 
They  owe  this  duty  to  their  own  convictions 
of  right,  and  they  owe  it  to  humanity  ;  for  the 
power  to  do  good  implies,  from  its  very  na 
ture,  the  obligation  to  do  good,  and  the  great 
er  the  power,  the  stronger  the  obligation. 

Political  power  results,  necessarily,  from  su 
periority  of  numbers  in  a  government  where 
a  majority  rules.  Something  more,  however, 
than  mere  numbers  is  wanting,  to  add  moral 
sanction  and  influence  even  to  legal  power. 
If  the  North  has  superiority  of  population,  it 
has  in  even  greater  degree  superiority  in 
wealth,  in  intellectual  and  moral  culture,  in 
diffused  knowledge  and  comfort,  in  all  indus 
trial  arts  and  improvements,  in  everything  that 


41 


constitutes  civilization.  What  measure  the 
South  really  has  of  these  things  no  American 
surely  should  wish  to  deny.  All  that  it  is  and 
all  that  it  has,  and  it  is  and  has  much  that  is 
great  and  worthy,  are  part  and  parcel  of  our 
country.  But  in  arguing  questions  like  the 
present,  arithmetic  and  statistics  cannot  be 
omitted,  and  as  facts  will  rule  in  practice,  they 
must  not  be  disregarded  in  speculation.  The 
superiority  of  the  North,  not  merely  in  num 
bers  but  in  every  other  element  of  national 
strength,  is  beyond  dispute.  It  is  only  neces 
sary  to  ask,  where  are  the  chief  seaport  cities, 
the  great  inland  towns  ;  where  are  the  factories 
and  ships,  the  machinery  and  merchandise, 
and  money  capital ;  where  the  thriving  vil 
lages  and  cultivated  farms  ;  where  the  colleges 
and  schools  of  literature  and  art  and  science  ; 
where  the  leading  journals,  the  great  publish 
ing  houses,  the  writers  who  influence  the  mind 
of  the  nation,  and  give  it  literary  reputation 
abroad  ?  As  well  compare  Spain  or  Italy  with 
England,  as  the  South  with  the  North.  If 
any  one  wishes  to  appreciate  Southern  weak 
ness,  let  him  read  Mr.  Olmstead's  Tour  through 
the  Seaboard  Slave  States.  It  is  an  interesting 
book,  written  with  graphic  power  and  evident 
truthfulness,  in  a  lively,  animated,  dramatic 
style,  is  full  of  anecdote  and  adventure,  and 
contains  a  series  of  deeply  instructive  daguer 
reotype  pictures,  painted  by  the  light  of  a 
clear  intellect,  from  real  life.  The  view  of 
Southern  society  given  in  this  work  is  not  a 
pleasant  one  for  a  catholic  American  to  look 
at.  It  reveals  a  state  of  things  very  surpris 
ing,  hitherto  unsuspected  by  most  persons  in 
the  North,  probably  by  most  in  the  South. 
It  would  be  well  for  Southern  people  who 
wish  to  understand  their  real  position,  to  read 
this  book,  if  its  circulation  has  not  been  pro 
hibited  by  some  Kansas  law  or  Lynch  law,  by 
General  Pierce  or  Mr.  Brooks. 

There  is  another  element  of  moral  power  in 
the  Northern  States,  also  positive  and  real, 
undeniable  and  unchangeable,  which  cannot 
be  evaded  or  resisted,  and  which  must  always 
influence  this  question,  whatever  aspect  it  may 
assume.  That  element  is  the  opinion  of  the 
civilized  world  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  In 
morals,  in  religion,  as  in  literature  and  the 
arts,  there  are  no  national  boundary  lines. 
Scientific  truth,  the  productions  of  genius, 
political  reforms,  social  ameliorations,  nobler 
and  higher  views  of  life  and  duty,  wherever 
they  originate,  are  a  common  property.  Opin 
ion  rules  the  world,  and  opinion  is  modified 
by  advancing  culture,  so  that  the  maxims  and 
habits  of  one  age  become  barbarisms  in  the 


next.  Thence  the  progress  of  civilization , 
thence  the  difference  between  Christian  Eu 
rope  to-day,  with  its  liberty,  its  social  security, 
its  wealth,  its  literature,  its  arts,  its  intellectual 
culture  and  activity,  its  elegance  and  refine 
ment,  and  the  Europe  tf  former  ages.  Of 
that  Christian  European  civilization,  we  form 
a  part.  We  are  in  daily  contact  with  it,  are 
joint  heirs  of  all  it  has  done,  copartners  of  all 
it  is  doing.  Its  opinion  is  part  and  parcel  of 
our  opinion,  and  its  suffrages,  though  not  put 
in  our  ballot  boxes,  do,  and  must  of  necessity, 
influence  our  action  and  our  destiny.  That 
opinion  has  condemned  slavery — those  suff 
rages  have  been  given  unanimously  in  sym 
pathy  with  the  anti-slavery  party  in  this  coun 
try.  Whether  right  or  wrong,  the  superior 
mind  of  the  most  enlightened  countries  of 
Europe  has  declared  this  institution  to  be  in 
consistent  with  the  present  state  of  civilization, 
and  to  belong  to  the  barbarism  of  the  past. 
This  opinion,  therefore,  influencing,  as  it  must, 
opinion  here,  giving  support,  encouragement, 
intellectual  aid  and  moral  weight  to  Northern 
sentiment  and  purposes,  is  an  important  ele 
ment  of  Northern  power. 

It  is  with  this  power,  so  founded  on  numbers, 
wealth  and  intelligence,  so  guaranteed  by  law, 
so  buttressed  and  sustained  by  the  opinion  of 
the  civilized  world,  that  the  South  claims 
equality,  and  claims  it  by  reason  of  the  very 
cause  which  has  produced  weakness  in  the 
South  and  strength  in  the  North.  It  claims 
equality  of  representation  where  there  is  no 
equality  in  the  thing  represented.  It  claims 
equality  of  power  where  it  has  a  minority  of 
votes.  It  claims  the  right  to  gain  this  equality 
by  fastening  upon  vast  regions  of  boundless 
resources,  and  the  unborn  millions  to  inhabit 
them,  the  very  institution  that  has  withered  its 
own  energies  and  retarded  its  own  progress. 
Such  a  claim  is  founded  neither  in  the  law  of 
the  land,  nor  in  justice,  nor  in  the  nature  of 
things.  It  cannot  permanently  succeed,  and 
its  triumphs  will  not  endure.  Whatever  shape 
it  may  assume,  of  thought  or  act,  of  argument 
or  practice,  of  revolutionary  doctrine  or  revo 
lutionary  deed,  it  is  destined  to  be  confronted 
and  defeated  by  the  controlling  fact  of  North 
ern  power,  which  must  in  the  end  prevail,  be 
cause  it  is  an  inherent  attribute  of  power  to 
govern. 

There  is  only  one  sort  of  equality  that  it  is 
wise  for  the  South  to  desire,  or  possible  for  it 
to  attain,  and  that  is,  what  it  has  already — 
equality  before  the  law.  This  is  the  great 
maxim  of  free  society.  Equal  rights  to  unequal 
things.  This  is  the  only  principle  that  can 


protect  wealth  from  poverty,  or  poverty  from 
wealth  ;  the  mental  cultivation  of  the  few  from 
the  brute  force  of  the  many,  or  the  ignorance 
of  the  many  from  the  superior  intelligence  of 
the  few.  All  other  kinds  of  equality  are  im 
possible,  because  contrary  to  the  laws  of  man's 
nature,  and  this  alone  enables  all  other  kinds 
to  live  together,  side  by  side,  in  harmony  and 
order,  uniting  all  talents,  labors  and  powers, 
for  the  common  good.  This  principle  can  and 
does  give  security  to  the  South.  It  is  one  of 
the  great  principles  of  our  Constitution  and 
our  Union,  and  only  under  its  guardianship 
can  Southern  weakness  find  safety  in  the 
neighborhood  of  its  inseparable  companion — 
Northern  strength. 

The  South  has  for  its  protection,  for  the 
protection  of  the  institution  on  which  its  repose, 
its  prosperity,  its  existence  depend,  but  against 
which  is  banded  in  formidable  array  the  opin 
ion  of  civilized  nations — the  provisions  and 
guarantees  of  the  Constitution.  These  have 
proved  so  far  an  efficient  protection.  The 
sphere  of  slavery  has  not  been  narrowed,  but 
enlarged.  The  South  has  greatly  influenced, 
not  to  say  controlled,  the  legislation  of  the 
country,  and  still  does  so.  But  whether  suf 
ficient  or  not,  the  Constitution  is  the  only  pro 
tection  that  slavery  has  in  the  world.  Take 
away  that,  and  the  whole  world  is  united 
against  it.  While  the  Constitution  lasts,  this 
great  Northern  strength,  which  is,  arid  mvst 
forever  remain,  the  close  neighbor  of  the  South, 
is  also  its  brother  and  friend.  Party  arrange 
ments,  commercial  interests,  iamily  ties,  easy 
intercourse,  above  all,  love  for  the  Union  and 
a  sense  of  its  benefits,  combine  to  make  the 
relations  of  North  and  South  safe  for  the 
South  and  a  blessing  to  both.  But,  destroy 
the  Union  and  the  Constitution,  then  Northern 
strength  becomes  at  once  the  enemy  of  South 
ern  weakness,  and,  with  the  North  for  an  en 
emy,  where  will  the  South  find  a  friend  ? 

Is  it  not  madness,  then,  in  this  passionate 
and  foolish  South  thus  to  kick  against  the 
pricks,  to  resist  facts  which  are  like  rocks  and 
mountains,  steadfast,  immovable,  and  which 
shatter  all  opposition  into  spray  and  foam  ? 
Was  it  not  unwise  in  Southern  politicians  to 
violate  the  Missouri  compact,  which,  if  it  was 
a  barrier  to  them,  was  also  a  barrier  to  their 
enemies  ?  Is  it  not  imprudent  in  them,  by. in 
genious  quibbles  and  subtle  repinings,  and  false 
constructions,  and  insincere  pretexts,  to  under 
mine  the  plain,  well-settled  principles  of  the 
Constitution,  when  that  Constitution  is  their 
only  protection ;  to  make  a  breach  in  their 
only  wall  of  defence '?  Is  there  no  danger 


that  such  arts  may  return  to  plague  their  in 
ventors  ?  Are  there  no  constitutional  provi 
sions  for  their  safety,  whose  plain  meaning 
may  be  tortured  and  twisted,  and  explained 
away  by  these  attorney-like  tricks  ?  Above 
all,  is  it  not  infatuated  folly  in  the  South  to 
alienate  the  feelings  and  rouse  the  indignation 
of  its  powerful  neighbor,  by  Kansas  invasions, 
and  burnings,  and  slaughter,  by  tampering 
with  weak  Presidents,  in  whose  official  autho 
rity  the  North  has  an  equal  share  and  interest, 
by  Brooks  assaults  in  the  Senate  House,  by 
threats,  and  insults,  and  violence,  by  open, 
avowed  violations  of  law  and  the  rights  se 
cured  by  law  ?  The  time  may  come  when  it 
will  invoke  in  vain  the  defences  of  the  Con 
stitution  it  is  now  attempting  to  cast  down  ; 
when  it  will  ask  in  vain  for  Northern  votes  to 
resist  Northern  majorities ;  when  it  will  look 
in  vain  for  Northern  help  to  save  it  from  dan 
gers  more  terrible  than  Northern  majorities. 

There  is  one  plain  path  out  of  these  present 
troubles,  and  that  is  to  go  back  to  the  Consti 
tution.  If  Mr.  Clayton's  plan  had  provided 
for  the  repeal  of  the  Kansas  Bill,  had  set  aside 
entirely  the  spurious  Kansas  legislature,  and 
all  its  deeds  of  darkness,  re-enacting  such  of  its 
laws  as  are  necessary  for  the  moment,  includ 
ing  those  protecting  slaves  now  in  the  Territory; 
then,  under  his  bill,  the  future  legislature  of 
Kansas  might  immediately  or  hereafter  refuse 
or  accept  slavery  as  part  of  their  system,  and 
such  action  would  be  subject,  as  it  ought  to  be, 
to  the  revision  and  control  of  Congress.  Should 
the  result  prove  that  the  majority  of  the  people 
of  this  country  solemnly  refuse  to  sanction  the 
further  extension  of  slavery,  it  would  still 
have  the  Constitution  for  its  protection  where 
it  now  exists,  and  it  would  be  the  duty  of  the 
South  to  submit,  because  obedience  to  the  law 
is  always  a  duty,  and  its  policy  also,  for  its 
only  safety  would  lie  in  submission.  Rebellion 
would  be  treason,  and  Northern  strength  can 
put  down  and  punish  treason.  Even  success 
ful  rebellion,  after  civil  war,  ending  in  dis 
union  or  treason  consummated,  would  not 
help  the  South.  Would  slavery  be  safe  dur 
ing  civil  war  ?  Would  it  be  safer  after  dis 
union,  with  this  great  Northern  strength  still 
by  its  side,  but  no  longer  as  a  brother  ? 

Thus  this  great  fact  of  superior  and  rapidly 
increasing  Northern  power,  governs  this  ques 
tion,  looming  up  from  the  horizon  like  some 
towering  Chimborazo  mountain,  meeting  the 
eye  from  whatever  point  it  looks.  That  there 
is  danger  to  slavery  in  these  days  it  is  vain  to 
deny.  It  is  behind  the  age ;  it  is  an  isolated 
institution;  it  is  inconsistent  with  any  high 


43 


standard  of  national  civilization  and  culture. 
It  is  doomed  to  recede,  not  to  advance  ;  and, 
finally,  to  be  greatly  modified  or  to  perish. 
Whether  this  fate  is  to  arrive  peacefully  and 
gradually,  or  suddenly  and  violently,  depends 
wholly  on  the  action  of  the  South.  There  is 
security  for  the  South,  living  as  it  must  always 
do  by  the  side  of  Northern  strength,  only  in 
the  Constitution  and  the  friendship  of  the 
North.  The  Constitution  is  wise,  and  every 
departure  from  it  proves  its  wisdom.  It  has 
shown  itself  hitherto  sufficient  for  the  protec 
tion  of  slavery.  The  Northern  people  are  loyal 
to  the  South.  The  vast  majority  yield  will 
ingly,  zealously,  all  the  constitutional  rights  of 
the  South.  They  love  the  Union  and  the 
Constitution,  and  their  country,  and  the  South 
as  part  of  their  country.  They  are  slow  to 
wrath  and  easy  to  be  entreated  ;  they  will  en 
dure  many  things,  but  not  all  things.  Kansas 
massacres,  General  Pierce,  and  Mr.  Brooks, 
are  among  the  things  they  will  not  endure. 

CECIL. 


From  the  N.  Y.  Post. 
What  an  old  "  Union  Saver  "  thinks. 

Mr.  Van  Cott,  the  first  speaker,  announced 
himself  as  an  old  "  Union  Saver,"  who  had 
followed  in  the  footsteps  of  Daniel  Webster, 
and  worked  for  Henry  Clay  through  every 
Clay  campaign. 

When  the  Omnibus  bill  of  1850  passed,  he 
was  one  of  the  men  who  honestly  believed  in 
the  efficacy  of  the  measures  embraced  in  it, 
to  lay  the  ghost  of  agitation  ;  and  he  endorsed 
the  «*  finality  "  platform  of  1852  in  good  faith. 
But  in  advocating  these  measures,  Daniel 
Webster  sacrificed  himself,  and  the  South  had 
not  the  gratitude  to  reward  him.  The  mem 
bers  of  Congress  who  voted  for  the  Missouri 
Compromise  in  1821  sacrificed  themselves; 
and  why  ?  It  was  because  the  people  felt  that 
ours  was  a  free  country,  and  that  the  exten 
sion  of  human  slavery,  or  a  compromise  with 
it,  was  at  war  with  the  genius  of  our  institu 
tions. 

And,  gentlemen,  I,  for  many  years,  was  an 
old  line  Whig.  I  was  once  anxious  about  the 
Union.  Many  a  long  night  have  I  sat  up 
rocking  the  cradle  and  watching  over  the 
Union,  and  what  came  of  it  all  ?  We  have 
ourselves  been  utterly  betrayed  and  sacrificed 
by  the  South,  as  was  Mr.  Webster,  the  leader 
of  the  Union  section.  The  moment  he  made 
these  concessions,  for  the  sake  of  ending  sla 
very  agitation,  the  South  turned  around  and 
repealed  a  great  measure,  which  had  been 
held  as  a  most  solemn  and  sacred  obligation 


since  its  establishment.  And  where  did  we 
then  stand  ?  We  were  laughed  at  and  told 
that  we  were  treated  just  -as  we  deserved  to 
be  treated. 

Now,  gentlemen,  a  pretty  smart  man,  with 
his  eyes  well  open,  may  be  cheated  once,  but 
he  is  a  fool  if  he  is  cheated  a  second  time. 
[Great  laughter  and  applause.] 

But  they  tell  us  we  are  to  dissolve  the 
Union.  Pray,  how  is  this  to  be  accomplished  ? 
Is  the  North  going  out  of  the  Union  ?  No  ; 
the  North  is  well  contented  where  she  is. 
Did  you  ever  hear  a  Northern  man  say  he  was 
going  out  ?  [A  voice — Millard  Fillmore.] 
Millard  Fillmore,  I  grant  is  an  exception.  But, 
aside  from  him,  the  North  is  not  going  out.  Is 
the  South  going  out?  You  could  not  coax 
them  out — you  could  not  kick  them  out. 
What !  the  South  leave  the  treasury — the 
Post  Office  Department — the  Custom  House  ! 
Has  the  South  lost  its  appetite  ?  and  is  it  go 
ing  out  of  the  Union  because  it  has  got  tired 
of  being  supported  at  the  public  crib  ?  No  ; 
there  is  no  danger,  so  long  as  there  is  a  trea 
sury  left  with  a  stiver  in  it.  [Great  applause.] 

It  is  time  for  the  North  to  assert  itself — not 
to  injure  the  South — but  within  the  pale 
of  the  Constitution,  I  say  the  North  is  called 
upon  to  utter  its  own  honest  convictions.  The 
convictions  of  the  North  are  against  the  insti 
tutions  of  slavery,  and  in  favor  of  free  ter 
ritories.  We  have  just  as  good  a  right  to  that 
opinion  as  the  South  has  to  theirs.  This  is  a 
government  of  majorities,  and  if  a  majority  of 
the  people  are  in  favor  of  our  sentiments,  the 
South  must  yield.  If  they  have  the  majority, 
we  must  yield,  but  I  deny  that  they  have  any 
rights  superior  to  ours,  and  that  we  have  less 
a  right  than  they  to  utter  our  convictions  up 
on  this  subject.  Perhaps  the  North  will  sub 
mit — perhaps  it  is  made  of  putty,  and  will 
have  its  courage  knocked  out  of  it  with  a 
gutta-percha  cane  ;  but  I  do  not  believe  it. 

We  have  declared  our  principles,  and  I  be 
lieve  we  shall  stand  by  them  if  we  have  to 
fight  to  the  last  ditch.  And  I  assure  you, 
gentlemen,  that  though  I  am  an  old  Union- 
saver,  and  have  spent  many  sleepless  nights 
watching  over  it,  these  are  my  sentiments  to 
the  day  of  my  death.  [Great  applause.] 

From  the  N.  Y.  Post. 
TFhat  an  Old  democrat  thinks. 

At  a  meeting  recently  held  at  Chatham, 
Columbia  County,  in  this  State,  to  give  utter 
ance  to  the  feelings  of  the  citizens  on  the  ex 
pulsion  of  Mr.  RAY  from  Virginia,  for  having 


44 


tion  is,  alas  !  too  true.  Let  us  inquire  by  what 
right  this  power  is  exercised.  The  census  of 
1850  shows  that  the  entire  market  value  of  the 

Cotton  crop  of  that  year  was $136,000,000 

Tobacco 1 9,000,000 

Sugar 35,350,000 

Rice 10,000,000 


spoken  in  favor  of  Freedom,  the  following  It  has  been  said  that  in  this  country  "  Cotton 

letter  was  read  from  C.  H.  BRAMHALL,  Esq.,  is  King."     That  it  rules  the  foreign  policy  and 

of  this  city,  heretofore  a  leadino-  member  of  every  department  of  our  domestic  adininistra- 
the  Democratic  Party: 

LETTER    FROM     C.    H.    BRAMHALL. 

NEW  YORK,  June  10,  1856. 
******* 
CALHOUN  is  the  father  of  sectionalism  in 
this  country.     He  first  tried  to  unite  the  South 
against  the  North  on  the  Tariff;  failing  in  that, 

he  tried  it  on  Slavery,  and   succeeded.     And  Total $200,350,000 

from  the  day  when  CALHOUN  was  made  Sec-  Indian  Corn $360,300,000 

retary  of  State  under  President   TYLER,  the   "Wheat 247,400,000 

slave  power  has  been  the   paramount,   ruling   jjav  amj  Fodder 160,000,000 

power  of  the  nation.     From   that  day  to   this,   Pasturage 143,000,000 

all  the  powers  of  Government,  in  allots  de-  Milk,  exclusive  of  that  used  for  But- 

partments,  executive,  legislative,  judicial  and  ter  and  Cheese 100,000,000 

administrative,  have  been  executed  in  abject  From  this  it  will  be  seen  that  the  crop  of  In- 
and  cringing  subjection  to  the  Slave  Oligarchy,  di an  corn  alone  is  worth  nearly  three  times 
From  that  day  to  this,  every  candidate  for  pub-  the  Cotton  crop  of  the  South — and  $160,- 
lic  honors,  of  high  or  low  degree,  has  basely  000,000  more  than  the  aggregate  of  the  four 
bowed  the  neck,  and  bent  the  knee,  in  fawn-  principal  crops  of  Cotton,  Tobacco,  Sugar  and 
ing  sycophancy  to  the  power  behind  the  Rice.  The  Wheat  crop  is  nearly  double  the 
throne.  Cotton,  and  $47,000,000  more  than  the  Cot- 

And  what,  it  may  be  asked,  is  this  Slave  OH-  ton,  Tobacco,  Sugar  and  Rice.  The  Hay  and 
garchy,  that  it  should  assume  to  rule  this  na-  Fodder,  $20,000,000  more  than  the  Cotton, 
tion  of  25,000,000  of  men  claiming  to  be  free-  The  Pasturage  is  $7,000,000  more  than  the  Cot- 
men  ?  It  consists  of  347,000  slaveholders,  ton  —  and  in  short,  the  entire  Cotton  crop  of 
,owning  4,000,000  of  human  beings  as  property,  the  South  is  worth  but  little  more  than  the 
and  constituting  a  despotism  more  absolute  and  surplug  milk  of  our  cows,  exclusive  of  that 
more  revolting  than  any  known  to  the  world,  use(j  for  butter  and  cheese, 
civilized  or  uncivilized,  in  any  period  of  its  Such,  in  brief,  are  a  few  of  the  characteris- 
known  history  —  selling  men,  women  and  lit-  tics  Of  Slavery  and  the  Slave  Power,  which 
tie  children  upon  the  auction  block  —  separat-  jn  the  brief  period  of  our  young  history,  has 
ing  forever  husband  and  wife,  parent  and  r>.hild  gr0wn  from  diminutive  stature  to  gigantic 
—  and  degrading  the  white  race,  in  point  of  magnitude  —  from  extreme  weakness  to  over- 
civilization  and  humanity,  to  the  level  of  the  powering  strength  —  until  it  is  now  prepared 
slave.  to  combat  with  Freedom  for  the  mastery  of 

To  say  nothing  of  the  black  race,  it  degrades   Empire.    In  1848  Slavery  laid  her  black  and 
and  demoralizes  the   white.     If  we  compare   brawny  hand  upon  the  North,  and  commanded 

the  Free  States  with    the  Slave   States,  the   siience and   the  North  resolved  not  to  agi- 

disastrous  effect  of  Slavery  upon  the  social,  tate.  In  1850,  in  compliance  with  the  de- 
moral  and  political  condition  of  the  white  race  mands  of  the  Slave  Power,  the  Fugitive  Slave 
will  be  at  once  fully  realized.  If  we  contrast  bill  was  passed,  in  plain  violation  of  the  Con- 
New  York  with  Virginia,  Massachusetts  with  gtitution  —  in  open  disregard  of  humanity  — 
South  Carolina,  or  Michigan  with  Arkansas,  and  in  defiance  of  the  law  of  God.  In  1852 
in  the  number  of  Schools  and  Churches,  the  tne  Slave  Oligarchy  again  commanded  silence 
facilities,  the  efficiency  and  results  of  educa-  at  the  North,  and  was  obeyed.  In  1854,  in 
tional,  moral  and  religious  training  —  in  the  submissive  obedience  to  the  same  power,  the 
progress  made  by  each  in  the  elements  of  ma-  solemn  compact  of  Freedom,  entered  into 
terial  prosperity,  in  the  arts  of  peace  and  civ-  thirty-four  years  before,  was  repealed,  and  the 
ilization  —  and  the  amount  and  value  of  the  pro-  door  of  Western  Empire  was  again  opened  to 
ducts  of  human  industry,  the  results  cannot  Slavery.  And  yet  again  the  insolent  man- 
but  carry  conviction  to  the  minds  of  all.  date  goes  forth  from  the  South  to  the  North 

I  prefer  to  leave  every  one  to  institute  the  be  silent !     A  Northern  Democratic  Presi- 

comparison  for  himself;  and  fortunately  the  dent,  and  his  Northern  followers,  repeat  the 
census  taken  every  decade,  places  the  neces-  shameful  mandate — be  silent !  Then  goes 
sary  information  within  the  reach  of  all. 


45 


forth  the  decree  of  Judge  KANE,  the  Ameri 
can  Jeffries,  pliant  tool  of  power,  that  the 
slaveholder  may  bring  his  human  property  into 
the  Free  States,  in  spite  of  our  Constitutions 
and  Laws,  and  hold  them  as  property,  and 
with  all  the  attributes  of  property,  as  long  as 
he  pleases,  in  transitu.  Then  the  drunken, 
brutal,  savage  hordes  of  Slavery  pour  over 
the  western  borders  of  Kansas,  with  whisky, 
bowie-knife,  and  revolver ;  drive  the  peaceful 
settlers  from  the  polls ;  seize  the  ballot  boxes 
— elect  a  Pro-Slavery  Legislature,  of  non-re 
sidents — and  establish  a  code  of  laws  for  the 
people  of  the  Territory,  disfranchising  every 
man  who  is  less  brutal  or  inhuman  than  the 
perpetrators  of  these  outrages.  To  refuse 
obedience  to  these  monstrous  usurpations  is 
declared  by  the  President,  and  his  Chief  Jus 
tice,  LECOMPTE,  and  by  the  assembled  wis 
dom  of  the  Democratic  Party  at  Cincinnati, 
TREASON.  Be  silent !  While  the  wail  that 
is  borne  to  our  ears  on  every  Western  breeze, 
tells  us  of  brothers  murdered,  and  sisters  out 
raged,  on  the  plains  of  Kansas.  Be  silent ! 
While  Northern  men  are  driven  out  from 
Kansas  and  from  Virginia,  and  Northern  Sena 
tors  ruthlessly  stricken  down  in  the  National 
Capitol,  for  daring  to  refuse  obedience  to  the 
insolent  mandate. 

Against  outrages  so  monstrous — crimes  so 
infamous — treason  against  God  and  man  so 
shameless  and  unblushing,  words  of  reason 
and  conciliation  are  out  of  place.  It  is  no 
time  to  pass  resolutions.  It  is  the  time  for 
action — immediate,  united,  resolute  and  deter 
mined  action  is  imperiously  demanded.  The 
issue  is  forced  upon  us,  and  we  must  meet  it 
manfully.  We  must  make  our  election  be 
tween  FREEDOM  and  SLAVERY,  and  make  it 
NOW.  It  is  not  a  question  of  the  Abolition  of 
Slavery — but  the  Abolition  of  Freedom. 
Shall  Freedom  live  ?  Or  shall  it  die  ? 

Very  respectfully,  yours,  &c. 
C.  H.  BRAMHALL. 


Extracts  from  Josiah  Quincy. 

His  letter  to  the  "  Young  America,  Fremont 
Club"   of  ISoston. 

GENTLEMEN  : — I  rejoice  in  your  organiza 
tion.  I  thank  God  the  palsy  of  death  is  not 
yet  upon  the  liberties  of  the  Free  States.  The 
young  blood  begins  to  move.  The  question 
depending  is — are  the  slaveholders  or  the  free 
States  henceforth  to  govern  this  Union.  If 
the  Free  States  are  united,  tlieir  success  is  cer 
tain.  Be  on  your  guard.  The  slaveholders 
have  governed  this  Union  almost  uninterrupt 


edly  for  nearly  fifty  years,  by  two  arts—by 
buying  in  the  Free  States  what  was  corrupt, 
by  dividing  in  them  what  was  sound.  Be  on 
your  guard.  There  is  no  intermission  in  their 
cunning.  Pay  no  regard  to  names  or  influ 
ences.  Whoever  is  put  up  in  opposition  to 
Fremont  and  Dayton  is  put  up  in  conjunction 
with  the  slaveholders.  The  object  will  be  to 
divide  the  Free  States,  to  throw  the  final  ques 
tion  from  the  people  into  Congress,  where  the 
slaveholders  are  masters.  Be  firm  and  united. 
"  Now  is  the  time,  now  the  hour."  The  events 
of  the  time  cannot  be  misunderstood.  The 
slaveholders  mean  to  continue  to  govern  this 
Union  hereafter,  as  they  have  done  heretofore 
— by  dividing  and  corrupting.  If  they  suc 
ceed,  after  the  demonstration  they  have  given 
of  character  and  purposes,  the  free  States  are 
slaves,  and  deserve  to  be,  to  the  worst  of  all 
possible  masters.  Heaven  never  fails  to  pun 
ish  with  severe  retribution,  a  people  who  are 
negligent  or  faithless  to  the  opportunities  it 
puts  into  their  hands.  God  and  your  country 
are  with  you,  my  young  friends.  Both  will 
bless  you. 

Yours,  JOSIAH  QUINCY. 

P.  S.— I  send  you  thirty  dollars,  to  aid  in 
defraying  the  expenses  of  your  organization. 
If  that  is  not  my  proportion,  let  me  know  what 
is,  and  I  will  transmit  it. 

Extract*  from  his   Address   on   the    "  UTaturo 

and  Power  of  the  Slave  States,  and  the 

Duties  of  the  Free  States." 

"  DEDICATED    TO    THE    PEOPLE    OF    THE   FBEE 
STATES,   WHO  ARE   ENTREATED  TO   CONSIDER 

THE   VIEWS   AND   STATEMENTS   IT   PRESENTS. 

"  The  question  to  be  decided  at  the  ensuing 
Presidential  election,  is,  Who  shall  henceforth 
rule  this  nation, —  the  Slave  States,  or  the 
Free  States  ?  All  the  aspects  of  our  political 
atmosphere  indicate  an  approaching  hurricane. 
Whether  it  shall  sweep  this  Union  from  its 
foundations,  or  whether  it  shall  be  prosperous 
ly  weathered,  depends,  under  Heaven,  on  the 
man  whom  the  people  shall  choose  to  pilot 
them  through  the  coming  storm.  In  my  judg 
ment,  that  man  is  JOHN  CHARLES  FREMONT. 
I  have  not,  and  never  had,  any  connection 
with  the  party  that  selected  him.  Personally, 
I  know  him  not ;  but  I  have  read  the  history 
of  his  life,  and  believe  him  to  be  a  man  as 
much  marked  out  by  Providence  for  the  pres 
ent  exigency  of  our  nation  as  Washington 
was  for  that  of  our  American  Revolution. 

He  comes,  from  whence  great  men  usually 
do  come,  from  the  mass  of  the  people.  Nursed 
in  difficulties,  practised  in  surmounting  them ; 
wise  in  council ;  full  of  resource ;  self-possessed 


46 

in  danger  ;  fearless  and  foremost  in  every  use-  This  state  of  things  naturally  leads  thought 
ful  enterprise;  unexceptionable  in  morals;  ful  minds  to  reflect  on  the  actual  condition3  of 
with  an  intellect  elevated  by  nature,  and  cui-  this  Union,  —  of  Slave  States  politically  united 
tivated  in  laborious  fields  of  duty,  —  I  trust  with  Free  States.  Those  living  under  the 
he  is  destined  to  save  this  Union  from  disso-  former  are  in  a  perpetual  consciousness  of 
lution  ;  to  restore  the  Constitution  to  its  danger.  It  cannot  be  otherwise,  however  they 
original  purity  ;  and  to  relieve  that  instrument,  may  attempt  to  conceal,  it  from  others 
which  Washington  designed  for  the  preserva-  and  from  themselves.  It  is  impossible  that 
tion  and  enlargement  of  freedom,  from  being  three  hundred  thousand  whites,  who  are  the 
any  longer  perverted  to  the  multiplication  of  masters,  surrounded  by  three  million  of  blacks, 
Slave  States  and  the  extension  of  slavery.  who  are  slaves,  can  live  otherwise  than  under 
JO  SI  AH  QUINCY.  a  never-ceasing  sense  of  danger.  The  mode 
QUINCY,  July,  1856.  of  maintaining  the  subjection  of  their  slaves 

In  early  life,  from  1805  to  1813,  1  served  as  £•   therefore,  the  constant    object    of   their 
Representative  in  the  Congress  of  the  United   tbc»ughts. 

States  from  the  town  of  Boston.  I  was  an  ac-  ln  the  Free  States'  on  the  contrary,  from 
tive  member  of  the  Federal  party  formed  by  twenty  to  twenty-five  millions  of  whites  exist, 
Washington,  and  have  never  belonged  to  any  ™&  Proportionate  superiority  in  wealth,  ac- 


, 

other.     Though  sympathizing  in  feeling  with  tm7'  and  Physical  power,  without  any  care  of 

Free  Soilers  and  Abolitionists,  I  have  never  or  danger  from  slaves. 

concurred   in   the    measures   of  either.     My        1flls   difference   of   condition   in   the   two 

heart  has  always  been   more  affected  by  the  sPeci"of    States   P™^068   unavoidably,  in 

slavery  to  which  the  Free  States  have  been  slaveholders,  a  continual  sense  of  danger  from 

subjected,  than  with  that  of  the  negro.   Placed  within  and  of  prospective  danger  from  with- 

successively,  since  1820,  in  the  offices  of  Judge  out     1.ne  immense    superiority   of    physical 

of  the  Municipal  Court,  of  Mayor  of  Boston,  Power  m  thjr  Free  States'  combined  with  a 

and  of  President  of  Harvard  College,  I  have  knowledge  of  their  own  inherent  weakness, 

abstained  from  all  connection  with  politics  for  cr*at.es  1m  ™eir  miuds  a  b?lief  that  their  own 

thirty-four  years,  except  by  voting  ;  and  now  Polltical  existence,  and  that  of  their   slaves, 

I  come,  at   your   request,  to   offer  views   and  dePend    "P™    obtaining    and    keeping    the 

opinions  on  the  present  crisis  of  public  affairs,  Fontro1   of.the  *ree    States.     Nature,  in  the 

derived  from  the  liaht  of  history,  and  from  the  human  as  m  everv  otlier  animal,  compensates 

counsels  and  advice  of  Washington.  positive  or  comparative  weakness    by  some 


. 

The  blow  on  the  head  of  Sumner  was  not  <?»%  ^c\  1S  equivalent  for  defence.     In 

intended  for   him  alone.     It  was   struck  at  the  case,  of  the  ,felfe  States  she  supplies  the 

Liberty   herself,  in   one  of  her  most  sacred  want  of  strength   by  art.     The   operation   of 

temples  .     It  was  a  public  notice  and  declara-  thl*'  _in  effecting  their  great  object  of  obtaining 

tion   to  every  man   in  the   Free  States,  that  and  keeping  the  control  of  the  Free  States,  it 

liberty  of  speech  no  longer  existed  in  Congress  Js.  mv  purpose  briefly  to  illustrate   from  the 

for  him  or  for  his  Representative;  that  whoever  history  of  this  Union. 

coming/rom  theFree  States  dare  to  utter  a  word  ,  5*|  art  bv  whwj  J»  for  m°r.e  than1  fi%  years, 

in  opposition  to  the  views,  or  in  derogation  of  J6  Slave    States  have   subjugated  the   Free 


w*.      HAWUUltjMlrUAMM  Jk  AAVJ       y  \--t*J.  fcJ    <^ii.v    -* w      "  **"    ****    V»9r~  '  •  •  T  l      f-fc  11         ".  1     •       l  t  T-V  •  * 

proved  practice  of  slaveholders?  In  that  day,  dom> .  "  Lord  Bacon  calls  it  which  the  Devil 
men  from  the  Free  States,  who  were  open  op-  practised  m  the  garden  of  Eden  -  »  divide 
ponents  to  the  administration,  often  carried  and  conquer.  By  this,  they  established  the 
pistols  in  self-defence.  Others,  urged  by  their  seat  of  national  government  m  a  slave  coun- 
friends  to  do  it,  declined ;  being  unwilling,  try>  and  thus,  surrounded  Congress  with  an 
under  any  circumstances,  to  have  the  life  of  a  atmosphere  of  slavery,  and  subjected  the  Free 
fellow-being  on  their  consciences.  The  only  States  to  its  influences,  in  the  place  where  the 
difference  between  our  times  and  the  past  is  councils  of  the  nation  are  held,  and  where  the 
this ;  heretofore  they  brandished  the  bludgeon ;  whole  public  sentiment  is  hostile  to  the  prm- 
now  they  have  brought  it  down.  Formerly  ciples  of  the  Free  States ;  and  where,  in  case 
the  bowie-knife  was  only  seen  in  its  sheath,  or  of  colli?ions  resulting  m  actions  at  law  and  in- 
half-drawn  by  way  of  terror  ;  now  it  is  seen  dictments,  slaveholders  are  judges,  jurors  and 
glistening  in  their  hands,  or  steeped  in  the  executioners.  This  location  of  the  seat  of  gov- 
blood  of  freemen  in  Kansas. 


47 


ernment  has  been  one  of  the  most  potent 
causes  of  that  dominion  over  the  nation  which 
they  have  acquired. 

Again  :  by  cunning,  they  inserted  Louisiana 
into  the  Union,  not  only  without  the  concur 
rence  of  the  Free  States,  but  without  so  much 
as  asking  it,  —  a  measure  which  has  been  the 
Pandora's  box  of  all  our  evils. 

Another  of  their  arts  is  arrogance,  or  an  in 
solent  assumption  of  superiority.  This,  though 
a  result  of  their  condition  as  masters  of  slaves, 
is  of  great  power.  "  Like  boldness,*  it  is  the 
child  of  ignorance  and  vanity ;  yet  it  fasci 
nates,  and  binds,  hand  and  foot,  those  that  are 
shallow  in  judgment  or  weak  in  courage,  and 
prevaileth  even  with  wise  men  at  weak  times. 
It  hath  done  wonders  in  popular  States."  In 
Slave  States,  slaveholders  are  sovereigns,  and 
deem  themselves  entitled  to  govern  every 
where.  In  them,  with  few  inconsiderable  ex 
ceptions,  they  are  proprietors  of  all  the  lands ; 
which  few  persons  can  afford  to  hold,  except 
owners  of  slaves.  As  the  rate  of  wages  is 
regulated  by  the  expense  of  supporting  slaves, 
it  is,  of  course,  the  least  possible.  Of  conse 
quence,  slaves  are  the  successful  rivals  of  the 
white  poor ;  being  more  obedient,  and  the  ex 
pense  of  supporting  them  being  less.  Thus 
the  white  poor,  in  the  Slave  States,  are  reduced 
to  a  state  of  extreme  degradation ;  in  some 
respects,  lower  than  the  negro.  They  cannot 
dig ;  for  field-labor  to  a  white  person  is  there 
a  disgrace.  To  beg,  they  are  ashamed ;  and 
they  have  no  master  to  whom  they  can  look 
for  support.  Having  no  land,  they  have  no 
political  power :  the  value  of  their  labor  is 
below  that  of  the  slave ;  and  their  actual  con 
dition  comparatively  that  of  extreme  wretch 
edness.  One-half  of  the  white  population  of 
the  Slave  States  are  said  to  be  in  that  condi 
tion.  In  the  vocabulary  of  slaveholders,  liber 
ty  means  only  that  planters  should  be  inde 
pendent,  and  have  no  superiors. 

Fifty  years  ago,  there  were  two  classes  of 
slaveholders  in  Congress ;  the  one,  generous 
in  spirit,  polished  in  manners,  true  to  the 
principles  of  liberty  and  the  Constitution, 
uniting  heart  and  hand  with  the  Representa 
tives  from  the  Free  States  in  objects  and  poli 
cy  ;  of  the  same  type  and  character  as  George 
Washington,  John  Marshall,  William  Pinck- 
ney,  Henry  W.  Dessaussure,  John  Stanley, 
Nicholas  Vandyke,  Philip  Stuart,  Alexander 
Contee  Hanson,  and  a  host  of  others,  too  nu 
merous  to  be  recapitulated,  in  principle  and 
views  coincident  with  the  Constitution,  desti- 

*  Lord  Bacon's  Essay  on  Boldness. 


tute  of  all  desire  to  establish  the  supremacy  of 
slaveholders.  They  spoke  of  slavery,  like 
Patrick  Henry,  as  "  a  curse,"  which  blighted 
the  prospects  and  weakened  the  strength  of 
the  Slave  States,  —  with  him  deplored  the 
necessity  of  holding  men  in  bondage,  declaring 
their  belief  that  the  time  would  come  when 
"  an  opportunity  will  be  afforded  to  abolish 
this  lamentable  evil ;  "  like  Governor  Ran 
dolph,  they  regarded  themselves  "  oppressed 
by  slavery,  and  treated  with  disdain  the  idea 
that  the  Slave  States  could  stand  by  them 
selves;"*  with  Judge  Tucker,  of  Virginia,! 
they  thought,  as  he  declared,  that  posterity 
"  would  execrate  tlie  memory  of  those  ancestors, 
who,  having  the  power  to  avert  the  evil  of  slav 
ery,  have,  like  their  first  parents,  entailed  a 
curse  on  all  future  generations" 

These  men,  far  from  threatening  to  go  out 
of  the  Union,  regarded  and  spoke  of  it  as  a 
main  hope  of  dependence  against  their  own 
slaves.  They  encouraged  and  supported  every 
man  from  the  Free  States  who  met  the  vio 
lence  of  the  insolent  class  with  appropriate 
spirit.  They  saw  and  lamented  the  character 
and  conduct  of  the  lower  and  baser  slavehold 
ers,  who,  coarse  in  language,  overbearing  in 
manner,  caring  nothing  for  the  principles  of 
liberty  and  the  Constitution,  came  to  Congress 
for  the  purpose  of  getting  office  or  place,  and, 
to  that  end,  were  as  subservient  to  every  nod 
of  the  administration  as  any  slave  to  that  of 
his  master. 

The  nobler  class  of  slaveholders  foresaw 
and  foretold  that  the  effect  of  the  language 
and  course  of  conduct  of  this  violent  class 
would  gradually  wear  away  the  affections  of 
the  Free  States,  and  lead  to  a  dissolution  of 
the  Union.  These  higher  spirits  could  not 
submit  to  use  the  arts  and  language  to  obtain 
power  to  which  the  baser  sort  condescended, 
and,  of  consequence,  lost  their  influence  in 
their  respective  districts ;  to  which  these  polit 
ical  filibusters  succeeded,  and  came  to  Wash 
ington,  some  to  follow  and  some  to  direct  the 
course  of  the  administration,  by  whom  they 
were  rewarded  according  to  their  talents,  their 
violence,  or  their  subserviency. 

In  1810,  John  Randolph,  in  whose  mind 
Virginia  included  all  the  South,  said  to  me, 
"  Virginia  is  no  longer  what  it  once  was. 
The  spirit  of  the  old  planters  is  departed  or 
gradually  wearing  away  :  we  are  overrun  by 
time-servers,  office-hunters,  and  political  black 
legs."  In  a  letter  to  me,  dated  "  Richmond, 

*  See  Debates  in  the  Convention  of  Virginia, 
f  See  Tucker's  Commentaries  on  Blackstone. 


48 


22d  March,  1814,"  after  giving  a  melancholy 
description  of  a  visit  he  had  just  made  to  "  the 
seat  of  his  ancestors,  in  the  maternal  line,  at 
the  confluence  of  the  James  and  Appomattox 
Rivers,"  he  adds,  "The  curse  of  slavery,  how 
ever,  an  evil  daily  magnifying,  great  as  it  al 
ready  is,  embitteis  many  a  moment  of  the  Vir 
ginian  landholder,  who  is  not  duller  than  the 
clod  under  his  feet" 

Slaveholders  have  been  for  fifty  years,  a 
few  only  excepted,  the  political  masters  of 
these  States.  Rampant  -with  long-possessed 
authority,  in  the  natural  spirit  of  the  class, 
they  have  now  put  on  the  lash,  and  are  getting 
ready  for  use  their  fetters  and  manacles. 

Let  the  Free  States  understand  that  the 
crisis  has  come.  Their  own  fate  and  that  of 
their  posterity  depend  upon  the  fact,  whether, 
in  this  crisis,  they  are  true  or  false  to  them 
selves.  The  extension  of  slavery  has  been, 
from  the  days  of  Jefferson,  the  undeviating 
pursuit  of  the  slaveholders.  Hitherto  by  cun 
ning,  intrigue,  and  corruption,  and  now  to 
plant  it  forever  among  the  South-western 
States,  compromises  have  been  violated,  the 
ballot-boxes  broken,  the  votes  of  freemen  de 
stroyed,  and  free  citizens  massacred  and  their 
houses  plundered  by  mobs,  encouraged  by  a 
slaveholder's  administration,  and  supported  by 
the  military  arm  of  the  United  States.  If  this 
tissue  of  events  do  not  rouse  the  Free  States 
to  united  and  concentrated  aotion,  nothing 
will.  Their  destinies  are  fixed.  They  are 
doomed  slaves.  Their  liberties  are  gone. 
Their  Constitution  gone.  Nothing  is  left  for 
them  but  to  yoke  in  with  the  negro,  and  take 
the  lash,  submissively,  at  the  caprice  of  their 
masters. 

But  everybody  asks,  "  What  is  to  be  done 
to  throw  off'  this  slaveholders'  yoke  ?  "  The 
first  step  is  to  have  a  spirit  and  will  to  be  free. 
Jf  there  is  a  will,  the  spirit  of  freemen  will 
soon  find  a  way.  It  is  not  the  slaveholders' 
strength,  but  jour  folly.  It  is  because  they 
wake,  and  you  sleep  ;  because  they  unite,  and 
you  divide  ;  because  they  hold  in  their  hands 
the  means  of  corruption,  and  half  of  you  per 
haps  are  willing  to  be  corrupted.  This  is 
bold  language,  it  will  be  said.  Boldness  is 
one  of  the  privileges  of  old  age.  "When  can  a 
man  have  a  right  to  be  bold,  if  it  be  not  when 
he  is  conscious  of  being  prompted  by  truth 
and  duty  alone,  arid  when  a  long  life  is  behind 
him,  and  nothing  before  him  but  a  daily-ex 
pected  summons  to  the  highest  and  most  sol 
emn  of  all  tribunals? 

I  now  proceed  to  trace  the  political  power 
of  these  slaveholders  from  its  origin,  and  show 


the  present  actual  condition  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  as  it  is  called,  of  the  United  States. 

The  admission  of  Louisiana  into  the  Union, 
without  asking  or  having  the  consent  of  the  peo 
ple  of  the  States  or  of  the  States  themselves, 
was  undeniably  a  stupendous  usurpation. 

The  passage  of  the  Louisiana  Admission 
Bill  was  effected  by  the  arts  which  slavehold 
ers  well  know  how  to  select  and  apply.  Sops 
were  given  to  the  Congressional  watch-dogs  of 
the  Free  States.  To  some,  promises  were 
made,  by  way  of  opiates ;  and  those  whom 
they  could  neither  pay  nor  drug  were  publicly 
treated  with  insolence  and  scorn.  Threats, 
duels,  and  violence  were  at  that  day,  as  now, 
modes  approved  by  them  to  deter  men  from 
awakening  the  Free  States  to  a  sense  of  their 
danger.  From  the  moment  that  act  was  passed, 
they  saw  that  the  Free  States  were  shorn  of 
their  strength ;  that  they  had  obtained  space 
to  multiply  Slave  States  at  their  will;  and 
Mr.  Jefferson  had  confidentially  told  them, 
that,  from  that  moment,  the  "  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  was  blank  paper ; "  but  more 
correctly,  there  was  "  no  longer  any  Constitu 
tion." 

The  slaveholders  from  that  day  saw  they 
had  the  Free  States  in  their  power ;  that  they 
were  masters,  and  the  Free  States  slaves ;  and 
have  acted  accordingly.  From  the  passage  of 
the  Louisiana  Bill  until  this  day,  their  policy 
has  been  directed  to  a  single  object,  with  al 
most  uninterrupted  success.  That  object  was 
to  exclude  the  Free  States  from  any  share  of 
power,  except  in  subserviency  to  their  views ; 
and  they  have  undeniably,  during  all  the  sub 
sequent  period  of  our  history  (the  administra 
tion  of  John  Quincy  Adams  only  excepted,) 
placed  in  the  chair  of  state  either  slaveholders, 
or  men  from  the  Free  States,  who,  for  the 
sake  of  power,  consented  to  be  their  tools,  — 
"Northern  men  with  Southern  principles;" 
in  other  words,  men  who,  for  the  sake  of  pow 
er  or  pay,  were  willing  to  do  any  work  they 
would  set  them  upon. 

In  the  times  of  non-intercourse  and  embar 
go,  I  had  frequent  intercourse  with  John  Ran 
dolph,  and  for  many  years  a  correspondence 
with  him.  During  the  extreme  pressure  of 
those  measures  upon  the  commerce  of  the 
Northern  States,  I  said  to  him,  "  Mr.  Ran 
dolph,  these  measures  are  absolutely  insup 
portable.  You  Southern  men  will,  at  this 
rate,  put  an  end  to  parties  in  the  Northern 
States,  and  we  shall  come  down  upon  the 
South  in  one  united  phalanx."  I  shall  never 
forget  the  half-triumph  and  half-sneer  with 
which  he  replied,  "  You  are  mistaken,  sir  ;  you 


49 


are  mistaken, sir.  THE  SOUTH  APE  AS  SURH 
OF  YOUR  DEMOCRACY  AS  THEY  ARE  OF 
THEIR  OWN  NEGROES." 

Let  any  man  examine  the  history  of  the 
United  States,  from  the  reign  of  Thomas 
Jefferson  to  that  of  Franklin  Pierce,  and  he 
•will  find,  that,  when  the  slaveholders  have 
any  particularly  odious  and  obnoxious  work  to 
do,  they  never  fail  to  employ  the  leaders  of 
the  Democracy  of  the  Free  States.  This  fact 
speaks  volumes  to  the  Free  States.  In  all 
estimates  of  their  future  duties,  it  should  never 
be  forgotten,  that  every  act  by  which  their  in 
terests  have  been  sacrificed,  and  the  power  of 
slaveholders  increased,  has  been  effected  by 
the  treachery  of  members  of  the  Free  States. 

It  is  manifest  to  the  Free  States,  that 
a  monstrous  usurpation  has  been  effected,  and 
is  intended  to  be  enlarged  and  perpetuated. 

The  warning  voice  of  Washington,  in  this 
state  of  things,  is,  "LET  THERE  BE  NO 

CHANGE       BY       USURPATION."         He       adds, 

"  CHANGE  BY  USURPATION  is  THE  CUSTOM 
ARY-WEAPON  BY  WHICH  FREE  GOVERN 
MENTS  ARE  DESTROYED."  Again :  Wash 
ington  advises,  "  RESIST  WITH  CARE  THE 

SPIRIT  OF  INNOVATION  UPON  THE  PRINCI 
PLES  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION.  THE  SPIRIT 

OF  ENCROACHMENT  TENDS  TO  CONSOLIDATE 
THE  POWERS  OF  ALL  DEPARTMENTS  IN  ONE, 
AND  TO  THUS  CREATE  A  REAL  DESPOTISM." 

The  Free  States  are  then,  undeniably,  at 
this  day,  in  that  very  state  of  things  in  which 
the  warning  voice  of  Washington  declared 

"  RESISTANCE  TO  BE  THEIR  DUTY."      During 

more  than  forty  years,  the  spirit  of  a  contin 
ued  series  of  encroachments  has  established 
over  them  the  worst  of  all  possible  despotisms, 
—  that  of  slaveholders.  The  manner  in  which 
this  duty  of  resistance,  so  distinctly  advised 
by  Washington,  is  to  be  performed  in  the 
spirit  which  he  advised,  and  which  his  life  ex 
emplified,  is  at  this  time  the  subject  of  earnest 
and  solicitous  consideration  by  the  people  of 
the  Free  States.  It  will  be  my  endeavor  to 
throw  some  light  on  their  duties,  and  on  the 
course  to  be  pursued  in  performing  them. 

Many  years  ago,  John  Quincy  Adams  re 
lated  a  conversation  which  he  once  had  with 
John  C.  Calhoun  on  this  very  subject.  Cal- 
houn  said  to  him,  that  the  broad  principles  of 
liberty  which  Mr.  Adams  had  been  advocat 
ing,  were  just  and  noble ;  but  that  in  the 
Southern  country,  whenever  they  were  men 
tioned,  they  were  always  understood  as  apply 
ing  only  to  white  men.  Domestic  labor  was 
confined  to  the  blacks;  and  such  was  the 
prejudice,  that  if  he,  who  was  the  most  popu 


lar  man  in  his  district,  were  to  keep  a  white 
servant  in  his  house,  his  character  and  repu 
tation  would  be  irretrievably  ruined.  Mr. 
Adams  said,  that  this  confounding  servitude 
and  labor  was  one  of  the  bad  effects  of  slavery. 
Mr.  Calhoun  thought  it  was  attended  with 
many  excellent  consequences.  It  did  not  ap 
ply  to  all  sorts  of  labor,  —  nof,  for  example, 
to  holding  the  plough  ;  he  and  his  father  had 
often  done  that :  nor  did  it  apply  to  manufac 
turing  and  mechanical  labor ;  these  were  not 
degrading :  but  to  dig,  to  hoe,  to  do  work 
either  in  the  field,  the  house,  or  the  stable,  — 
these  were  menial  labors,  the  proper  work  of 
slaves.  No  white  man  could  descend  to  that. 
Calhoun  thought  that  it  was  the  best  guaran 
ty  of  equality  among  the  whites.  It  pro 
duced  among  them  an  unvarying  level.  It 
did  not  admit  of  inequalities  ai.ong  whites. 
Mr.  Adams  replied,  that  it  was  all  perverted 
sentiment,  mistaking  labor  for  slavery  and 
dominion  for  freedom.  And,  in  stating  it  in 
conversation,  Adams  remarked,  that  this  dis 
cussion  with  Calhoun  had  betrayed  to  him  the, 
secret  of  their  souls.  In  the  abstract,  they 
admit  slavery  to  be  an  evil;  but,  when  probed 
to  the  quick,  they  show,  at  the  bottom  of  their 
souls,  pride  and  vainglory  in  their  very  condi 
tion  of  masterdom.  They  fancy  themselves 
more  generous  and  noble-hearted  than  the 
plain  freemen  that  labor  for  subsistence.  They 
look  down  on  the  simplicity  of  New-England 
manners,  because  they  have  no  habits  of  over 
bearing  like  theirs,  and  cannot  treat  negroes 
like  dogs.  It  is  among  the  evils  of  slavery, 
that  it  taints  the  very  sources  of  moral  princi 
ple.  It  establishes  false  estimates  of  virtue 
arid  vice  ;  for  what  can  be  more  false  and 
heartless  than  this  doctrine,  which  makes  the 
first  and  holiest  rights  of  humanity  depend  on 
the  color  of  the  skin?  It  perverts  human 
reason,  and  reduces  man,  endowed  with  logi 
cal  powers,  to  maintain  that  slavery  is  sanc 
tioned  by  the  Christian  religion ;  that  slaves 
are  happy  and  contented  in  iheir  condition; 
that  there  are,  between  master  and  slave,  mu 
tual  ties  of  attachment  and  affection  ;  that  the 
virtues  of  the  master  are  refined  and  exalted 
by  the  degradation  of  the  slave ;  while,  at 
the  same  time,  they  vent  execrations  on  the 
slave-trade,  curse  Great  Britain  for  having 
given  them  slaves,  burn  at  the  stake  negroes 
convicted  of  crimes,  for  the  terror  of  the  ex 
ample,  and  writhe  in  agonies  of  fear  at  the 
very  mention  of  human  rights  as  applicable 
to  people  of  color. 

After  reading  and  weighing  the  opinions  of 
this  great  and  good  man,  and  reflecting  on  the 


50 

facts  which  he  states,  can  any  one  doubt  the  From  the  identity  of  the  interests  and  fears 
incompatibility  of  the  essential  character  of  of  slaveholders  results  identity  in  policy  of  the 
slaveholders  with  the  government  and  man-  members  of  the  whole  class.  Their  studies, 
agement  of  the  affairs  of  freemen  ?  Can  they  thoughts,  counsels,  are  absorbed  and  directed 
who  regard  lat or  as  servitude  be  the  fit  guar-  to  two  objects,  —  how  to  keep  their  negroes 
dians  of  the  interests  of  men  who  regard  labor  in  subjection ;  and,  as  subsidiary  to  this  end, 
as  their  honor,  and  its  successful  exercise  their  how  to  keep  the  control  of  the  Free  States, 
duty  and  glory  V  By  this  control,  they  present  to  the  fears  of 

Mr.  Jefferson,  in  his  "  Notes  on  Virginia,"  their  slaves  the  arm  of  the  Union,  ever  in 
graphically  exhibits  "  the  unhappy  influence  readiness  to  keep  them  in  subjection,  and  also 
on  the  manners  of  slaveholders  by  the  exist-  relieve  themselves  from  the  apprehension  that 
ence  of  slavery.  The  whole  commerce  be-  that  arm  might  be  extended  for  the  relief  of 
tween  master  and  slave  is  a  perpetual  exer-  their  slaves. 

cise  of  the  most  boisterous  passions ;  the  most  . 

unremitting  despotism  on  the  one  part,  and 

degrading  Submission  on  the  other.     Our  chil-     Extract*  f™m  Mr'  «*-•-«*'•   Remark*  on 
drln  see  this,  learn  to  imitate  it;  for  man  is  Mr.  cuoate'a  Letter.' 

an  imitative  animal.  This  quality  is  the  germ  "  The  whole  letter  of  Mr.  Choate  is  founded 
of  all  educution  in  him.  From  his  cradle  to  on  an  assumption  which  has  no  basis  in  truth, 
his  grave,  he  is  learning  to  do  what  he  sees  '  A  great  crisis,'  cried  Mr.  Choate,  *  exists  in 
others  do.  Jf  a  parent  could  find  no  motive,  the  political  affairs  of  our  country.  There  is 
either  in  his  philanthropy  or  self-love,  for  res-  a  new  geographical  party  formed,  which  must 
training  the  intemperance  of  passion  towards  be  defeated  and  dissolved.' 
his  slave,  it  should  always  be  a  sufficient  one  "  Now  in  truth  the  only  question  at  this  time 
that  his  child  is  present;  but,  in  general,  it  is  in  the  political  field,  is  between  slaveholders 
not  sufficient.  The  parent  storms ;  the  child  and  freemen  who  are  not  slaveholders.  *  *  * 
looks  on,  catches  the  lineaments  of  wrath,  puts  The  assertion  and  doctrine  of  Mr.  Choate  is, 
on  the  eame  airs  in  the  circle  of  smaller  slaves,  that  inasmuch  as  slaveholders  exist  in  only  one 
gives  a  loose  rein  to  his  worst  passions,  and,  quarter  of  the  Union,  the  party  opposing  them 
thus  nursed,  educated,  and  daily  exercised  in  and  their  projects  is  geographical.  How  ? 
tyranny,  cannot  but  be  stamped  with  odious  Do  slaveholders  include  all  the  inhabitants  of 
peculiarities.  The  man,  then,  must  be  a  prod-  the  Slave  States  ?  Is  it  not  notorious  and  de- 
igy  who  can  retain  his  morals  and  manners  monstrable  that  there  are  not,  substantially, 
undepraved  by  such  circumstances."  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  slaveholders 

After  such  testimony,  given  by  the  greatest  in  all  of  them  ?  Is  it  not  undeniable  that  these 
and  most  idolized  of  all  slaveholders,  as  to  the  owners  of  slaves  form  an  oligarchy,  which  not 
qualities  which  are  the  necessary  results  of  only  holds  in  bondage  three  millions  of  negroes, 
their  education  from  childhood  of  his  whole  but  also  oppresses  with  an  iron  sceptre  three  or 
class,  will  the  people  of  the  Free  States  trust  four  millions,  at  least,  of  white  freemen  living 
them  longer  with  the  care  of  their  Union  ?  Is  within  those  States  ?  *  *  *  Slaveholders 
it  wonderful,  that  in  every  year,  from  the  days  are  a  class,  and  not  a  geographical  section.  If 
of  Thomas  Jefferson  to  the  present,  such  men  slaveholders  constitute  a  geographical  party, 
as  Brooks,  Keitt,  and  Butler  should,  in  one  because  they  only  exist  in  one  quarter  of  the 
uninterrupted  succession,  have  appeared  on  Union,  the  manufacturers  at  Lowell,  for  the 
the  floor  of  Congress  ?  same  reason,  also  form  a  geographical  party. 

Without  enumerating  other  qualities  inher-  Like  them  slaveholders  make,  hold  and  sell 
ent  in  slaveholders,  and  incompatible  with  the  articles  for  enjoyment  and  livelihood.  At 
liberties  of  the  Free  States,  I  proceed  to  ex-  Lowell  they  raise  the  warp,  feed  the  woof  and 
amine  the  nature  of  that  power  which  slave-  sell  cotton  cloth,  when  it  is  of  full  length.  In 
holders  have  wielded  over  this  Union  for  half  Carolina  and  the  other  Slave  States,  they  raise. 
a  century.  feed  and  sell  black  men  and  women,  when 

This  power  of  slaveholders  has  its  origin,  —  they  are  of  full  growth  and  sometimes  babies." 
as  has  been  already  intimated,  —  first  from  a  "  After  this,  he  (Mr.  Choate)  goes  on  to  de- 
concentration  of  interests  and  fears  in  the  scribe  what  a  noble  ship  the  Un:on  is,  inti- 
body  of  slaveholders;  second,  from  a  total  mates  the  value  of  her  cargo,  declares  she  is 
want  of  concentration  of  interests  among  the  '  within  half  a  cable's  length  of  a  lee  shore  of 
people  of  the  Free  States,  combined  with  an  rock,  and  that  our  first  duty  is  to  put  her  out 
entire  want  of  all  apprehensions  of  danger  and  crowd  her  off  into  the  deep  open  sea.' 
owing  to  their  unquestionable  supeiiority  in  All  this  is  very  graphic  and  very  true.  But 


iirsinal   r»r»wp.r_ 


51 


the  first  natural  inquiry  of  the  people  of  the 
Free  States  will  be,  how  this  noble  ship  got  in 
to  this  perilous  state  ;  and  the  next  will  prob 
ably  be,  whether  the  men  whose  incompetency 
or  iniquity  has  placed  her  in  such  an  awful 
predicament,  are  the  men  to  be  chosen  '  to 
put  her  about  and  pilot  her  into  the  open  sea,' 
or  whether  every  man  of  them  shall  not  be  sent 
into  the  forecastle,  and  never  again  be  permit 
ted  to  show  their  heads  upon  the  quarter 
deck." 

Mr.  Choate's  Letter. 

From  the  Boston  Journal. 

The  Washington  Union  takes  exception  to 
the  sentence  in  Choate's  Letter  in  which  he 
says,  "It  is  in  part  because  the  duty  of  pro 
tection  to  the  local  settler  was  not  performed 
that  the  Democratic  party  has  already,  by  the 
action  of  its  great  representative  convention, 
resolved  to  put  out  of  office  its  own  adminis 
tration."  The  Union,  with  many  fulsome 
praises  of  Choate's  letter,  says  he  "  shows  him 
self  well  qualified  to  give  counsel  to  his  Whig 
friends,  and  to  teach  them  by  his  example  a 
lesson  of '  wisdom,"  but  expresses  its  regret 
that  he  undertook  to  develop  the  motives 
which  actuated  the  Democratic  party  in  the 
selection  of  its  candidate.  It  says : 

"  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  convention, 
with  entire  unanimity,  and  icith  enthusiastic  cor 
diality,  approved  and  endorsed  the  course  of 
policy  of  the  present  administration;  and  we 
have  no  hesitation  in  affirming  that  no  part  of 
its  policy  received  a  more  earnest  and  hearty 
approved  than  that  which  embraced  its  Kansas 
Policy. 

The  Post  copies  the  article  from  the  Union, 
which  administers  this  gentle  rebuke  to  Mr. 
Choate,  and  adds  to  it  the  following  significant 
monition  : 

"  It  seems  very  convenient  for  every  one 
who  desires  to  gratify  pastor  present  prejudices 
against  the  Democratic  party,  to  cast  imputa 
tions  upon  one  of  its  ablest,  boldest,  and 
truest  defenders,  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  But  the  history  of  his  public  career 
will  redeem  his  character  from  the  aspersions 
of  either  malice  or  ignorance." 


"  Let  the  people  beware  of  that  political 
party  organized  on  the  principle  of  hostility 
to  slavery,  which  must  of  necessity  be  a  sec 
tional  party,  constantly  tending  to  alienate 
one  section  from  the  other.  Be  not  deceived 
by  the  specious  pretext,  that  it  is  only  to  pre 
vent  the  spread  of  slavery.  They  can  only 
prevent  the  spread  of  slavery  by  such  a  course 
of  sectional  and  hostile  action  as  will  most  likely 
provoke  collision,  resulting  in  the  rupture  of  the 
Union" 

This  is  the  backbone  of  Mr.  Choate's  elabo 
rate  rhapsody  to  the  "  Whigs  of  Maine."  If 
you  resist  the  spread  of  slavery,  you  "  provoke 
collision,"  and  the  "  result "  is  a  "  rupture  of 
the  Union."  Therefore,  says  the  Journal 
man — therefore,  says  Mr.  Choate — it  is  your 
duty  to  desist  from  all  opposition,  and  let 
slavery  "  pour  itself,  unobstructed,  from  ocean 
to  ocean."  If  the  North  is  ready  for  this  logic, 
it  has  only  to  rally  to  the  support  of  Buchan 
an,  who  represents  exactly  that  view  of  the 
question  at  issue.  We  shall  see  what  freemen 
have  to  say  to  the  authors  of  such  abject  coun 
sel. 


In  Mr.  Choate's  great  speech  in  support  of 
Gen.  Taylor,  made  at  Salem  in  1848,  he  said : 

"  In  this  matter  of  slavery,  we  have  always 
differed  from  our  friends  of  the  South;  and  in 
regard  to  it  we  propose  simply,  TO  VOTE 
THEM  DOWN." 


From  the  New  York  Post. 
The  Issue  Stated. 

A  writer  in  the  Journal  of  Commerce,  who 
labors  under  the  logical  infirmity  common  to 
the  champions  of  submission  to  slavery  aggres 
sion,  has  stumbled  upon  an  avowal  of  the  true 
state  of  the  case  now  on  trial  before  the  grand 
tribunal  of  the  people.  He  says  : 


THE  OLIGARCHIC  AND   ANTI-REPUB 
LICAN  CHARACTER  OF  SLAVERY, 
AS   SHOWN  BY   THEIR  OWN 
STATESMEN. 

Extracts  from  a  pamphlet  entitled  "  A  Plain 
Statement  to  Honest  Democrats" 

B.    WATKINS   LEIGH,    VA. 

In  every  civilized  country  under  the  sun, 
•ome  there  must  be  who  labor  for  their  daily 
bread, —  men  who  tend  the  herds,  and  dig  the 
soil, — who  have  no  real  nor  personal  capital  of 
their  own,  and  who  earn  their  daily  bread  by 
the  sweat  of  their  brow.  I  have  as  sincere 
feelings  of  regard  for  that  people  as  any  man 
who  lives  among  them.  But  I  ask  gentlemen 
to  say,  whether  they  believe  that  those  who 
depend  on  their  daily  labor  for  their  daily  sub 
sistence,  can,  or  do,  ever  into  political  affairs  ? 
They  never  do,  never  will,  never  can." — 
Speech  in  Virginia  Convention,  1829. 

F.    W.   PICKENS,    S.    C. 

"  All  society  settles  down  into  a  classifica 
tion  of  capitalists  and  laborers.  The  former 


52 

will  own  the  latter,  either  collectively  through  street  sweepers,  are  white  negroes  instead  o 

the  government,  or  individually  in  a  state  of  black.      Where   will    be  the    independence, 

domestic  servitude,  as  exists  in  the  Southern  the  proud  spirit,  and  the  chivalry  of  the  Ken- 

States  of  this  confederacy.      If  laborers  ever  tuckians  then  ?  "  —  Speech  in  Kentucky. 

obtain  the  political  power  of  a  country,  it  is  in  But  little  comment  is  needed  upon  the  atro- 

fact  in  a  state  of  revolution."  —  Speech  in  Con-  clous  doctrines  of  these  slaveholding  gentry, 

gress,  January  21,  1837.  which  they  have  so  openly  stated  and  boldly 

CHANCELLOR  HARPER,  s.  c.  avowed.     For  these  sentiments  were  not  whis- 

«  Would  you  do  a  benefit  to  the  horse,  or  pered  in  secret,  but    «  proclaimed   from   the 

the  ox,  by  swing  him  a  cultivated  understand-  house-tops.       It  will  be  noticed  that  not  one 

ing,  a  fine  feeling?      So  far  as  the  mere  la-  of  thf  e  ^nesses  makes  any  allusion  whatever 

borer  has  the  pride,  the  knowledge,  or  the  as-  to  cofor  or  race,  except  the  last.     But  slaves 

piration  of  a  freeman,  he  is  unfitted  for  his  sit-  and  ^borers  are  spoken  of  m  the  same  con- 

uation.     If  there  are  sordid,  servile,  laborious  nection,  and  as  belonging  to  the  same  class. 

offices  to  be  performed,  is  it  not  better  that  Poth  are  demed  the  nS.ht  of/°ti?g'?*  of  tek' 

there  should  be  sordid,  servile,  laborious  beings  in£  Jf^  Part  whatever  in  political  affairs. 

to  perform  them  ?     Odium  has  been  cast  upon  rifse,  ^nocent  Tsortherners,  who  have  sup- 

our  legislation  on  account  of  its  forbidding  the  Posed   that   none   but  "Wacfc   negroes"   ever 

elements  of  education  bein     communicated  to  w,er.e'  or  are  *v     *°  be,  subjected  to  thehsh 


,. 

slaves.      But,  in    truth,  what  injury  is    done  of  slavery,  will  find  themselves  most  egregious- 

them  by  this?     He  who  works  during  the  day  lv  mistaken.     Mr.  Leigh  tells  us  that   those 

with  hi/hands  does  not  read  in  the  intervals  of  Yho  dePend  on  th?r  dail*v  ]abor  for  their  sub- 

leisure,for  his  amusement,  or  the  improvement  Sistenc6f  «  never  do,  never  will,  never  can" 

of  his  mind;  or  the  exception  is  so  very  rare  ente^  mto  political  affairs.       And  Mr.  Pick- 

as  scarcelv  to  need  the  being  provided  for."-  enf  .adds   that>   if  "  laborers   ever   do  obtain 


. 

Southern  Literary  Messenger.  Pollt.lca!  P°,w^'  ^^  C°"n  iT  «    f  f  ^l 

revolution.       And  Mr.  McDuffie  declares  that, 

GEORGE  M  DUFFLE.  where  thoge  who  „  ^1^^  all  tlie  different 

"If  we  look  into  the  elements  of  which  all  offices  of  society,  from  the  highest  to  the  low- 

political  communities  are  composed,  it  will  be  ,est"   are  allowed  to  vote,   "a  dangerous  ele- 

found  that  servitude  in  some  form  is  one  of  the  rnent  is  introduced  by  the  body  politic."     And 

essential  constituents.     In  the  very  nature  of  Mr.  Pickens  further  says,  in  tlie  same  speech  : 
things,  there  must  be  classes  of  persons  to  dis-       «  Hence  it  is,  that  they  must  have  a  strong 

charge  all  the  different  offices  of  society,  from  federal  government  to  control  the  labor  of  the 

the  highest  to  the  lowest.     W  here  these  offices  nation.     But  it  is  precisely  the  reverse  with 

are  performed  by  members  of  the  political  com-  us.     \Vre  have  already  not  only  a  right  to  the 

munity,  a  dangerous  element  is  obviously  intro-  proceeds  of  our  laborers,  but  ice  own  a  class  of 

duced  by  the  body  politic.  ^  Do-  laborers  themselves.     But,  let  me  say  to  gen- 

mestic  slavery,  therefore,  instead  of  being  an  tlemen  who  represent  the  great  class  of  capi- 

evil,  is   THE  CORNER-STONE  OF  OUR  REPUB-  talists  at  the  North,  beware  how  you  drive  us 

•LICAN  EDIFICE."  —  Message  to  the  S.  C.  Leg-  into  a  separate  system,  for,  if  you  do,  as  cer- 

islature,  1835.  tain   as   the  decrees   of  Heaven,  you  will  be 

ROBERT  WICKLIFFE,  KY.  compelled  to  appeal  to  the  sword  to  maintain 

"  Gentlemen  wanted  to  drive  out  the  black  yourselves  at  home.     It  may  not  come  in  your 

population,  that  they  may  obtain  while  negroes  da7  i  .  *>*  ^wr  children  s  children  will  be  cover- 

in  their  places.     White  negroes  have  thil  ad-  ed  Wlth  the  llood  of  domestic  factions,  and  a 

vantage  over  black  negroes"  they  can  be  con-  PLUNDERING  MOB  contending  for  power  and 

verted  into  voters  ;  and  the  men  who  live  upon  conrg^est-  .     ^  .  .f  u, 

the  sweat  of  their  brow,  and  pay  them  but  a  l    The  plain  English  of  which  is,  that  if  "la- 

dependent  and  scanty  subsistence,  can,  if  able  borers  —m   other   words    those  ^  who   create 

to  keep  ten  thousand  of  them  in  employment,  and   dlffusc  a]1  J*?e  wcalth  °?  society—  are  al- 

comeuptothe  polls,  and  change  the  destiny  lowed  to  vote  and  exercise  political  power,  they 

of  the  country."  tne)'  ^^  so  direct  the  affairs  of  government, 

«  How  improved  will  be  our  condition  when  as  to  secure  a  Just  share  in  the  products^  of 

we  have  such  white  negroes  as  perform  the  ser-  their  ^  own  toil;    and  the  only  way  m  which 

vile  labors  of  Europe,  of  old  England,  and  he  "  capitalists  "  can  prevent  this,  and  safely  plun- 

would  add  now,  of  New  England;  when  our  der  the  laborer,  so  as  to  get  the  «  lion  s  share, 

body  servants  and  our  cart  drivers,  and  our  1S  to  rob  mm  of  both  ms  vote  and  himself  to- 


53 


gether :  in  other  words,  make  a  slave  of  him. 
And  "  capitalists  at  the  North"  are  warned 
that  they  can  never  enjoy  anything  like  repose 
until  they  not  only  "  have  a  right  to  the  pro 
ceeds  of  the  laborers,"  but  "  own  "  the  labor 
ers  themselves. 

It  was  doubtless  this  view  of  the  case,  which 
drew  out  that  remarkable  declaration  from 

JOHN    C.    CALHOUN. 

"  We  regard  slavery  as  the  most  safe  and 
stable  basis'  for  free  institutions  in  the  world. 
It  is  impossible  with  us  that  the  conflict  should 
take  place  between  labor  and  capital.  Every 
plantation  is  a  little  community,  with  the  mas 
ter  at  its  head,  who  concentrates  in  himself  the 
united  interests  of  capital  and  labor,  of  which 
he  is  the  common  representative." 

That  such  sentiments  are  not  confined  to  the 
South,  and  the  class  technically  called  "  slave 
holders,"  will  be  shown  by  the  following  brief 
extract  from  the 

NEW   YORK    DAY    BOOK, 

A  journal  which  aspires  to  the  leadership  of 
the  Democratic  forces  of  the  entire  country. 
In  its  issue  of  June  21,  1856,  in  an  article  on 
"  Sewardism,"  occurs  the  following,  among 
other  passages  of  similar  import : 

"  Negro  '  slavery '  is  the  basis  of  American 
DEMOCRACY ;  or  the  subordination  of  an  in 
ferior  race  has  secured,  and  always  will  secure, 
the  equality  of  the  superior  race." 

In  its  campaign  prospectus,  of  the  same  date, 
occurs  the  following  portentous  announcement : 

"  We  have  enlisted  for  the  war  against  abo 
litionism  and  its  impostures,  and  we  do  not  in 
tend  to  stop  until  we  '  subdue '  them." 

The  following  article,  in  relation  to  the  late 
murder  at  WittarcTs  Hotel,  Washington  city, 
bears  upon  the  point  just  stated,  that  slavery 
knows  nothing  of  race  or  color;  that  condition 
is  the  only  ground  on  which  it  bases  all  its  ar 
rogant  assumptions  of  superiority.  It  is  from 
the 

CHARLESTON    (s.    C.)    STANDARD. 

"  HERBERT  AND  KEATING. — Any  provoca 
tion  that  may  have  been  given  for  the  assault 
upon  him  by  the  body  of  waiters,  was  at  the 
most  a  provocation  of  words,  and  such  a  pro 
vocation  as  a  servant  should  not  have  a  right 
to  resent ;  and,  if  white  men  accept  the  offices 
of  menials,  it  should  be  expected  that  they  will 
do  so  with  an  apprehension  of  their  relation  to 
society,  and  the  disposition  quietly  to  encoun 


ter  both  the  responsibilities  and  the  liabilities 
which  the  relation  imposes." 

Mr.  J.  C.  UNDERWOOD,  who  was  recently 
prohibited  from  returning  to  Virginia,  in  con 
sequence  of  a  speech  which  he  made  at  the 
Philadelphia  Convention,  addressed  a  Fre 
mont  meeting  in  New  York  on  Thursday  even 
ing,  July  1 7.  Referring  to  the  domestic  slave 
trade,  which  has  been  created  as  a  result  of  the 
law  of  1808  declaring  the  foreign  slave  trade 
piracy,  Mr.  Underwood  said  that  the  number 
of  slaves  now  annually  sold  in  Virginia  was  be 
tween  20,000  and  25,000,  and  the  price  they 
brought  was  from  $20,000,000  to  $25,000,000. 
The  traffic  is  attended,  too,  by  horrors  as  great 
as  any  that  marked  the  African  slave  trade. 
Of  the  condition  of  the  white  laborers  of  Vir 
ginia,  Mr.  Underwood  drew  the  following  sad 
picture : 

"  He  would  ask,  what  were  the  influence* 
of  slavery  upon  the  white  man  ?  and  upon  this 
subject  he  could  not  help  feeling  more  for  his 
own  countrymen  than  for  the  poor  children 
of  Africa.  He  had  white  laborers  around  him 
in  Virginia — the  families  of  eight  poor  white 
men — sober  and  industrious  tenants.  He  had 
employed  them  because  he  preferred  them  to 
slaves.  He  could  have  inherited  slaves  if  he 
had  but  said  the  word ;  but  upon  his  first  re 
flections  he  had  resolved  that  the  sweat  of  no 
slave  should  moisten  his  fields.  [Great  ap 
plause.] 

"  What  did  they  think  were  the  wages  of 
laboring  men  in  Virginia  ?  They  only  receiv 
ed  from  eight  to  ten  dollars  a  month,  with  the 
exception  of  a  little  time  in  harvest — some 
fifty  cents  a  day  ;  and  the  fare  allotted  to  them 
was  far  inferior  in  every  respect  to  that  fur 
nished  by  the  farmers  of  the  North  to  their 
laboring  men.  The  white  laborers  in  Virginia 
were  not  invited  to  the  great  house  to  take 
their  meals,  but  they  must  take  them  under 
the  shade  of  a  tree,  sometimes  in  the  same 
group  with  the  slaves,  and  sometimes  in  a  little 
group  by  themselves.  The  white  laborer  at 
the  South  did  not  get  from  his  employer  tea, 
coffee,  sugar,  butter,  wheat  bread,  or  any 
thing  of  the  kind,  for  his  support.  He  would 
tell  them  some  of  the  other  disadvantages  un 
der  which  the  white  laborers  of  Virginia  were 
placed.  They  were  not  permitted  to  enjoy 
the  advantages  of  district  schools.  It  was  true, 
there  was  a  small  fund  for  common-school  edu 
cation,  but,  before  any  man  could  be  allowed 
to  have  a  participation  in  it  for  the  benefit  of 
his  children,  he  must  be  willing  to  acknowl 
edge  himself  a  pauper,  and  ask  for  his  share 
of  the  fund  upon  the  ground  of  his  poverty 


54 


They  all  had  heard  the  maxim  that  pride  and 
pauperism  walked  together,  and  the  poor  white 
men  of  Virginia  were  too  proud  to  accept  of 
the  fund  upon  such  terms,  and  the  result  was 
that  there  were  seventy-five  thousand  men 
and  women  in  Virginia  unable  to  read  and 
write.  These  were  some  of  the  consequences 
resulting  to  the  white  laborers  at  the4  South 
from  the  influences  of  slavery  ;  and  the  ques- 
tion  for  Northern  laboring  men  to  decide  was, 
whether  such  influences  should  be  extended 
over  the  territories  of  the  great  West—  whether 
the  white  men  who  go  there  shall  fare  like  the 
slave  laborers  of  the  South,  or  whether  like  the 
white  laborers  of  New  York,  they  shall  be  per- 
mitted  to  enjoy  the  rights  of  freemen,  the  right 
of  education  for  their  children,  and  a  reason- 
able  compensation  for  their  labor." 


From  the  Richmond  Enquirer. 
The  Slaveholder's  view  of  the  STorth  and  tta 

Instltutlons. 

«  The  relations  between  the  North  and  South 
are  very  analogous  to  those  which  subsisted 
between  Greecl  and  the  Roman  Empire  after 
the  subjugation  of  Achaia  by  the  consul  Mum- 
mius.  The  dignity  and  energy  of  the  Roman 
character,  conspicuous  in  war  and  in  politics, 
were  not  easily  tamed  and  adjusted  to  the  arts 
of  industry  and  literature.  The  degenerate 
and  pliant  Greeks,  on  the  contrary,  excelled 
in  the  handicraft  and  polite  professions.  We 
learn,  from  the  vigorous  invective  of  Juvenal, 
that  they  were  the  most  useful  and  capable  of 
servants,  whether  as  pimps  or  professors  of 
rhetoric  Obsequious!  dexterous;  and  ready, 
the  versatile  Greeks  monopolized  the  business 
of  teaching,  publishing,  and  manufacturing,  in 
the  Roman  Empire—  allowing  their  masters 
ample  leisure  for  the  service  of  the  State,  in 
the  senate  or  in  the  field.  The  people  of  the 
Northern  States  of  this  confederacy  exhibit 
the  same  aptitude  for  the  arts  ot  industry. 
They  excel  as  clerks,  mechanics,  and  trades- 
men,  and  they  have  monopolized  the  business 
of  teaching,  publishing,  and  peddling." 


that  prolific  monster  which  greeted  Satan  on 
his  arrival  at  the  gates  of  hell,  which 

,  -  Seemed  woman  to  the  waist,  and  fair, 
But  ended  foul  in  many  a  scaly  fold 
"Voluminous  and  vast,  a  serpent  armed 
With  mortal  sting  :  about  her  middle  round 
4-2  °  •;  heJJ-h°unds  never  ceasing  bark'd 

IlS^p^^^ 

if  aught  disturbed  their  noise,  into  her  womb, 
And  kennel  there  ;  yet  there  still  barked  and  howled 
Within  unseen.' 

«  But  the  worst  of  all  these  abominations— 
because,  when  once  installed,  it  becomes  the 
hotbed  propagator  of  all—  is  the  modern  system 
of  free  schools.  We  forget  who  it  is  that  has 
charged  and  proved  that  the  New  England 
system  of  free  schools  has  been  the  cause  and 
prolific  source  Of  an  tne  legions  of  horrible  in- 
fidelities  and  treasons  that  have  turned  her 
cities  into  Sodoms  and  Gomorrahs,  and  her  fair 
land  into  the  common  nestling-place  of  howl- 

.         ,      ,,        .  TT.       7-7  » 

in*?  bed  amitf  '  ,  We  ab?mmateA  th*  ^embe- 
ca\se  ^  '  *ch™1?  are  (r^  a"d  because  they 

make  ^at  whu*  °Uf  V°  be,  th,e  T  °f 
*oll»  and  earnest  ardent,  and  almost  super- 

h,uman  Dividual  efforts  cheap  common- 
Place'  P^eless,  ai}d  uninviting.  As  there  is 
?°  ^^  road  to  learning,  so  there  ought  to 

beun°  ™?.&J°^        !eai?in£;  .  .      , 

f   "A  '  little  learning  1S  a  dangerous  thing  '- 

°  *e  indlvldual>  to  society  to  learning  itself, 
*°  a11  Conservatism  of  thought  and  all  stability 

'n  ^enf  a  afifdirs'  ¥*£*<  $£$?*•  °  ' 
fre?  *cho?  !s  to  supply  that  'little  learning; 

?nd.thus  '*  1S  charSed  !°  ?e  bnm  T*  ""T 
diarisms  heresies,  and  all  the  explosive  ele- 

me.nt.8  which  uProOt  and  rend  and  desolate 
s<  ie  ?' 


From  the  Richmond  Examiner,  Dec.  28,  1855. 
"  We  have  got  to  hating  everything  with 
the  prefix  free  —  from  free  negroes  down  and 
up,  through  the  whole  catalogue  of  abomina- 
tions,  demagogueries,  lusts,  philosophies,  fan- 
aticism,  and  follies,  free  farms,  free  labor,  free 
niggers,  free  society,  free  will,  free  thinking, 
free  love,  free  wives,  free  children,  and  free 
schools,  all  belonging  to  the  same  brood  of 
damnable  isms  whose  mother  is  Sin  and  whose 
daddy  is  the  Devil  —  a.3  all  the  progeny  of 


From  the  New  York  Post. 

The  rregent  Southern  Doctrine  on  Slavery 
and  the  slave  Trade. 

The  other  day  we  gave  a  sample  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  administration  journals 
in  thig  quarter  speak  of  the  slave  trade.  In 
their  approval  of  this  traffic  they  are,  of 
course,  supported  by  the  administration  jour- 
nals  of  the  South.  The  Richmond  Enquirer, 
of  the  9th  inst,  has  an  article  precisely  in  the 
same  tone,  from  which  we  give  an  extract. 
The  zeal  of  Mr.  Pierce's  friends  in  behalf  of 
the  "  domestic  institutions  of  the  South  "  car- 
ries  them  to  lengths  from  which  a  few  years 
since  they  would  have  shrunk  with  something 
like  horror.  When  Mr.  Tyler  was  Chief 
Magistrate  he  sent  a  message  to  Congress, 
dwelling  upon  the  enormity  of  that  execrable 


55 


traffic,  as  he  called  the  foreign  slave  trade. 
Such  views  of  the  subject  are  now  old-fash 
ioned  in  Virginia.  There  is  no  enormity 
which  the  friends  of  slavery  are  not  prepared 
to  defend,  provided  it  shall  seem  necessary  to 
the  interests  of  their  institution.  The  friends 
of  Mr.  Pierce's  administration  are  in  a  partic 
ular  manner  resolved  to  out-do  all  former  zeal 
of  the  friends  of  slavery.  Here  is  the  passage 
from  the  Richmond  Print :  — 

"  The  convention  between  the  United  States 
and  -Great  Britain,  in  virtue  of  which  the  slave 
trade  was  denounced  as  piracy,  and  obstructed 
by  the  vigilance  of  a  joint  squadron  on  the 
coast  of  Africa,  only  stimulated  the  ingenuity 
of  the  Yankee  merchant  to  the  invention  of 
expedients  by  which  to  escape  the  halter,  and 
to  prosecute  his  traffic  with  undiminished  prof 
its.  In  both  these  objects  his  sagacity  has 
achieved  signal  success.  Instances  of  the  cap 
ture  and  condemnation  of  Yankee  slavers  are 
so  rare  as  not  to  stop  the  trade,  yet  are  fre 
quent  enough  to  justify  an  increase  of  price  to 
cover  risks.  So  the  business  of  kidnapping 
and  enslaving  the  poor  negroes  by  Yankee  ad 
venturers  has  nourished,  despite'the  penalties 
of  piracy  and  the  activity  of  ships  of  war. 

"  The  convention  with  Great  Britain  was  a 
triumph  of  English  abolitionism  over  the  good- 
natured  stupidity  of  the  American  govern 
ment.  At  the  foundation  of  the  treaty  lies  the 
principle  that  negro  slavery  is  an  iniquity  and 
an  outrage  against  human  and  divine  law.  If 
slavery  be  morally  right,  and  a  social  benefit, 
then  there  can  be  no  impropriety,  much  less 
guilt,  in  extending  it.  If  slavery  violates  the 
laws  of  God,  outrages  the  instincts  of  human 
nature,  and  contradicts  the  ends  of  political 
society,  then  the  slave  trade  is  a  crime  which 
government  should  suppress  by  adequate  pen 
alties.  The  accusation  against  slavery  in 
volved  in  the  convention  with  Great  Britain, 
was  seized  upon  as  an  advanced  position 
whence  abolitionism  might  discharge  its  bat 
tery  against  the  guaranties  of  the  institution, 
and  is  the  remote  origin  of  the  violent  aboli 
tion  agitation  of  the  present  day. 

"  We  do  not  propose  the  revival  of  the  slave 
trade,  for,  as  the  slave  trade  has .  never  been 
suppressed,  it  needs  no  revival.  We  only 
protest  against  the  principle  of  a  treaty,  which 
is  based  on  an  assumption  that  slavery  is  an 
evil  in  politics  and  a  crime  in  morals.  The 
accidental  evils  of  the  slave  trade  are  a  legiti 
mate  subject  of  international  convention,  and 
may  be  corrected  by  regulations  which  shall 
afford  adequate  protection  to  the  personal  se 
curity  of  the  negro.  The  convention  with 


Great  Britain,  while  it  has  failed  to  accom 
plish  its  object,  infinitely  aggravates  the  suf 
ferings  of  the  negro,  and  prevents  the  supply 
of  African  labor  from  keeping  pace  with  the 
growing  demands  of  an  agriculture  which  is 
essential  to  the  wants  of  civilization.  For 
these  reasons,  we  say  abrogate  the  convention. 
"  But  the  demands  of  civilization  are  not 
evaded  with  impunity.  The  world  must  have 
a  supply  of  tropical  productions,  and  there  can 
be  no  tropical  productions  without  compulsory 
labor.  The  obstructions  thrown  in  the  way  of 
the  African  slave  trade  have  not  arrested  the 
traffic,  but  they  have  reduced  it  until  it  is  al 
together  inadequate  to  the  wants  of  mankind." 


The  Richmond  Enquirer 

is  confessedly  the  most  able  and  influential 
journal  south  of  "  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  ; "  it 
is,  also,  a  powerful  supporter  of  both  Slavery 
and  Democracy,  and  a  zealous  advocate  of  the 
election  of  Mr.  Buchanan  to  the  Presidency. 
It  talks  (of  the  Kansas  question)  in  this  strain  : 
"  The  South  once  thought  its  own  institu 
tions  wrongful  and  inexpedient.  It  thinks  so 
no  longer  —  and  will  insist  that  they  SHALL  BE 
PROTECTED  AND  EXTENDED  BY  THE 
ARM  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT, 
EQUALLY  WITH  THE  INSTITUTIONS  OF  THE 
NORTH." 


From  the  Richmond  (Va.)  Enquirer,  of  June  16. 
The  True  Issue. 

The  Democrats  of  the  South  in  the  present 
canvass  cannot  rely  on  the  old  grounds  of  de 
fence  and  excuse  for  Slavery  ;  for  they  seek  not 
merely  to  retain  it  where  it  is,  but  to  extend  it 
into  regions  where  it  is  unknown.  Much  less  can 
they  rely  on  the  mere  constitutional  guaranties  of 
Slavery,  for  such  reliance  is  pregnant  with  the 
admission  that  Slavery  is  wrong,  and  but  for 
the  constitutional  argument  for  Slavery,  stand 
ing  alone,  fully  justifies  the  Abolitionists. 
They  are  clearly  right,  if  Slavery  be  morally 
wrong,  for  to  get  rid  of  it  under  the  Constitu 
tion,  or  by  amending  the  Constitution,  is  con 
fessedly  impracticable. 

In  truth,  the  Constitution  cannot  help  Slav 
ery,  if  it  be  a  violation  of  the  laws  of  God  and 
of  morality.  In  that  case,  the  Constitution 
should  be  changed,  or  the  Free  States  should 
secede,  rather  than  continue  to  guarantee  what 
they  consider  immoral  and  profane.  The  Con 
stitution  cannot  help  Slavery,  for  another  rea 
son.  That  institution,  extending  through  fif 
teen  States,  and  inter-ramified  with  the  inter 
ests,  the  feelings,  and  the  very  existence  of 
many  millions  of  men,  is  much  stronger  than 


56 

the  Constitution.  It  would  be  far  easier  to  course  of  the  last  few  weeks.  He  no  longer 
change  or  violate  the  Constitution,  than  to  denounces  and  defies  the  people  of  the  North  ; 
abolish  Slavery.  Besides,  Slavery  is  older  but  he  appeals,  apologizes  and  argues  the  slav- 
than  the  Constitution,  existed  before  it,  and  ery  question  with  them,  like  a  brother  return- 
independently  of  it.  We  derive  no  right  to  ing  to  a  reasoning  frame  of  mind.  He  shows 
our  slaves  from  it,  and  weaken  our  cause  by  what  territories  the  South  has  sacrificed  to  the 
seeming  to  rely  on  it.  North  for  the  sake  of  peace  and  harmony,  and 

Nor  will  it  avail  us  aught  to  show  that  the  earnestly  pleads  that  "  the  repeal  of  the  Mis- 
negro  is  most  happy  and  best  situated  in  the  souri  restriction  was  not  intended  as  a  measure 
condition  of  Slavery.  If  we  stop  there,  we  of  slavery  extension,  but  of  atonement  to  the 
weaken  our  cause  by  the  very  argument  in-  Constitution  for  an  outrage  upon  its  spirit,  and 
tended  to  advance  it ;  for  we  propose  to  intro-  to  the  South  for  a  violation  of  its  rights  and 
duce  into  new  territory,  human  beings  whom  we  dignity."  It  is  not  slavery  that  the  South  de- 
assert  to  be  unfit  for  liberty,  self-government,  sires  to  establish  in  Kansas,  but  an  abstract 
and  equal  association  with  other  men.  We  constitutional  right.  Give  the  South  the  ab- 
must  go  a  step  farther.  We  must  show  that  straction,  and  the  North  may  have  the  territo- 

African   Slavery  is  a  moral,  religious,  natural,  ry if  they  can  get  it.     That's  all ;  and  we 

and  probably  in  the  general,  a  necessary  insti-  have  no  objection  in  the  world  to  this  arrange- 

tution  of  society.     This  is  the  only  line  ofargu-  ment. 

ment  that  will  enable  Southern   Democrats  to  But  how  are  we  to  account  for  this  change 

maintain  the  doctrines  of  State  equality  and  in  the  tone  of  our  Richmond  organ,  from  blus- 

Slavery  extension.  tering  defiance  to  sober  reason'?     AVe  find  in 

For  if  Slavery  be  not  a  legitimate,  useful,  the  Richmond  Enquirer  of  June  16,  an  article 

moral,  and  expedient  institution,  we  cannot,  on  "  The  True  Issue,"  in  which  the  editor  de- 
without  reproof  of  conscience  and  the  blush  of  clares  that  "the  Democrats  of  the  South,  in 

shame,  seek  to  extend  it,  or  assert  our  equality  the  pending  canvass,  cannot  rely  on  the  old 

with  those  States  having  no  such  institution.  grounds  of  apology  and  excuse  for  slavery ;  for 

Northern  Democrats  need  not  go  thus  far.  they  seek,  not  merely  to  retain  it  where  it  is,  but 

They  do  not  seek  to  extend  Slavery,  but  only  to  extend  it  into  regions  where  it  is  unknown, 

agree  to  its  extension,  as  a  matter  of  right  on  Much  less  can  they  rely  on  the  mere  constitu- 

our  part.      They  may  prefer  their  own  social  tional  guaranties  of  slavery,  for  such  reliance 

system  to  ours.     It  is  best  that  they  should,  is  pregnant  with  the  admission  that  slavery 

Our  friends  are  conservatives  at  home,  and  is  wrong,  and  but  for  the  Constitution  should 
conservatives  of  the  Union  —  conservative  of  be  abolished."  W^hat  then  ?  Why,  says  our 

religion,  of  marriage,  of  property,  of  State  in-  Richmond   philosopher,  "  we  must  go  a  step 

stitutions,  and  of  Federal  institutions.  But  farther.  We  must  show  that  African  slavery 
whilst  they  may  prefer  their  own  social  system,  is  a  moral,  religious,  natural,  and  probably,  in 

they  will   have  to  admit   in   this  canvass  that  the  general,  a  necessary  institution  of  society, 

ours  is  also  rightful  and  legitimate,  and  sane-  This  is  the  only  line  of  argument  that  will  ena- 
tioned  alike  by  the  opinions  and  usages  of  ble  Southerners  to  maintain  the  doctrines  of 

mankind,  and  by  the  authority  and  express  in-  State  equality  and  Slavery  extension" 

junctions  of  Scripture.     They  cannot  consist  Here  is  the  plain   announcement   that  the 

ently  maintain  that  Slavery  is  immoral,  mex-  gouth   seeks   not    merely   to   retain    slavery 

pedient,  and  profane,  and  yet  continue  to  sub-  where  it  is,  "  but  to  extend   it   into   regions 

mit  to  its  extension.  where  jt  js  unknown  ; "  and  if  "  the  repeal  of 

We  know  that  we  utter  bold  truths.     But  tne  Missouri  compromise  was  not  intended  as 

the  time  has  now  arrived  when  their  utterance  a  measure  of  slavery  extension,"  where  does 

can  be  no  longer  postponed.     The  true  issue  our  Richmond  philosopher  propose  to  extend 

should  stand  out  so  boldly  and  clearly  that  none  ;t  ?     The  simple  fact  is,  that  since  the  16th  of 

may  mistake  it.  June   our    Richmond    cotemporary   has  be 
come  alarmed  at  the  tremendous  popularity  of 

After  reading  the  above  article  LET  THE  Fremont,  and  convinced  of  the  fact  that,  upon 

READER  GIVE  HIS  PARTICULAR  ATTENTION  *e  dire?t  sectional   question  of  slavery  or  no 

.__    ,    TT  slavery  in  Kansas,   Mr.   Buchanan   runs   the 

TO  THE  FOLLOWING,  from  the  New  York  Her-  hazar^  of  a  gignal  defeat     Thig  article?  there. 

did :  fore,  of  the  Enquirer,  which  we  copy  to-day, 

A  great  change  appears  to  have  come  over   denying  the  soft  impeachment  of  "  slavery  ex- 

the  mind  of  our  Virginia  cotemporary  in  the   tension,"  is  intended  for   Pennsylvania  con- 


57 


sumption,  just  as  the  late  letter  of  Governor 
Wise  to  Rochester  was  intended  for  the  pe 
culiar  Democratic  climate  of  Northern  and 
Western  New  York.  Our  fierce  Richmond 
champions  of  Southern  rights  are  backing 
down.  They  have  discovered  that  in  making 
this  campaign  upon  Kansas  a  strictly  sectional 
fight  upon  slavery  or  no  slavery,  they  are  in 
danger  of  being  ingloriously  beaten,  and  so 
they  are  beating  a  retreat. 

But  this  Virginia  Democratic  plea  for  Penn 
sylvania  opens  the  doors  of  the  Old  Dominion 
to  Fremont.  If  the  South  do  not  seek  to  ex 
tend  slavery  into  Kansas,  where  can  be  the  ob 
jection  to  a  Fremont  electoral  ticket  in  Vir 
ginia,  and  in  every  other  Southern  State  ? 
Our  Richmond  organ  may  be  playing  a  des 
perate  trick.  Its  fears  may  have  overruled  its 
judgment ;  but  we  are  entirely  satisfied  from 
our  Southern  correspondence  that  there  is  a 
large  body  of  sensib  e  men  in  the  South,  with 
whom  the  extension  of  slavery  into  Kansas  is 
a  matter  of  indifference  compared  with  the 
higher  object  of  a  wholesome  and  general  re 
form  in  the  government,  and  in  the  politics  of 
the  country.  We  are  satisfied  that  our  blus 
tering  secessionists  of  the  school  of  Mr. 
Toombs  have  been  leading  Mr.  Fillmore  and 
Mr.  Buchanan  astray,  and  that  this  cry  of 
secession,  should  Kansas  be  admitted,  fairly  or 
unfairly,  as  a  Free  State,  is  all  moonshine. 

Here  is  the  last  article  of  the  Enquirer,  re 
ferred  to  above,  which  the  reader  must  com 
pare  with  that  of  June  16. 

The  False  Issues  of  the  Canvass. 

Of  all  the  fictitious  issues  which  a  ready  in 
genuity  could  suggest,  the  Black  Republican 
leaders  have  invented  the  very  issue  which  is 
best  adapted  to  their  wicked  purpose.  It  was 
essential  that  the  principle  for  which  they 
profess  to  contend  should  be  of  kindred  nature 
with  the  principle  really  involved  in  contro 
versy  ;  or  they  would  not  be  able  to  confound 
the  issues  of  the  canvass  in  the  popular  appre 
hension.  It  was  also  necessary  that  the  plat 
form  on  which  they  pretend  to  stand  should 
embody  the  anti-slavery  prejudices  of  the 
North,  without  announcing  the  extreme  views 
of  the  abolition  party  It  was  important,  more 
over,  that  they  should  contrive  to  place  the 
South  in  an  attitude  of  aggressive  usurpation, 
so  as  more  fiercely  to  inflame  the  jealous  pas 
sions  of  their  section.  Now,  the  distinctive 
principle  of  the  Black  Republican  platform 
provides  for  all  these  necessities,  and  responds 
to  all  these  conditions  of  success.  The  issue 
which  the  Black  Republican  party  presents  to 


the  country  has  all  the  captivating  graces  of  a 
beautiful  fiction. 

Black  Republicanism  affects  all  respect  for 
the  legal  safeguards  of  slavery.  It  does  not 
propose  to  impair  the  security  of  the  institu 
tions  of  the  South.  It  protests  the  utmost 
regard  for  the  Constitution  and  the  Union.  It 
even  disclaims  a  sectional  character,  and  avows 
itself  the  champion  of  conservatism.  Yet,  it 
appeals  to  the  fanatical  preju  Hces  of  the 
North,  and  thus  enlists  the  abolition  element 
in  its  service,  while  it  retains  the  adhesion  of 
more  moderate  men  by  its  professions  of  na 
tionality.  The  Black  Republican  party  contrive 
to  secure  this  strong  position  by  representing 
themselves  to  be  the  champions  of  freedom,  and 
the  South  as  the  propagandist  of  its  peculiar  in 
stitutions.  The  principle  for  which  they  affect 
to  contend  is,  the  restriction  of  slavery ;  the 
principle  which  they  claim  to  combat  is,  the  ex 
tension  of  slavery.  This  is  the  fictitious  issue 
which  they  present  to  the  country,  and  employ 
as  the  agency  of  sectional  aggrandizement. 
With  so  favorable  a  basis  of  operations,  they 
conduct  the  campaign  with  wonderful  skill 
and  spirit.  They  accuse  the  slaveholders  of 
oligarchic  usurpation,  of  aristocratic  selfish 
ness,  of  despotic  cruelty.  They  represent  the 
South  to  be  possessed  with  the  ambition  of  ex 
tending  its  institutions  over  the  continent,  and 
as  engaged  in  a  conspiracy  to  subjugate  the 
Free  States  to  its  sway.  To  encourage  the 
North  in  resistance  to  so  criminal  an  enter 
prise,  they  expatiate  on  the  imaginary  evils  of 
slavery,  from  the  tribune,  from  the  pulpit  and 
in  the  fascinating  pages  of  fiction.  To  rouse 
and  organize  a  party  subservient  to  its  pur 
poses,  Black  Republicanism  has  recourse  to  all 
the  arts  and  agencies  of  popular  agitation. 
Perversions  of  history,  hyperbole  of  rhetoric, 
the  machinery  of  a  venal  ambition  and  a  cor 
rupt  conspiracy,  are  all  employed  to  support 
the  grave  indictment  against  the  South. 

Black  Republicanism  is  in  so  frantic  a  hu 
mor  that  it  is  questionable  if  its  victims  are 
accessible  to  any  appeal  of  truth  and  reason. 
But  there  are  men  in  the  North  who  are  nei 
ther  sworn  to  the  support  of  an  imposture  nor 
incapable  of  appreciating  an  honest  statement. 
To  them  we  would  submit  a  few  words  in  re 
futation  of  the  charge  against  the  people  of 
the  South. 

The  Black  Republican  party  misrepresent 
the  issues  of  the  canvass,  in  that  they,  impute 
an  imaginary  purpose  to  the  South,  and  claim 
a  false  credit  for  themselves.  The  South 
cherishes  no  ambition  of  sectional  aggrandize- 


58 

ment,  and  has  conceived  no  hostile  enterprise  ment  of  the   motives    of  the    South.      If  we 

against  the  interests  of  the  North.     We  ask  revert  to  the  speeches  of  the  supporters  of 

nothing  of  the  federal  government  but  protec-  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  we  find  a  distinct 

tion   in   the   enjoyment   of  our   indisputable  and   emphatic   disavowal   of   any   aggressive 

righ's.     We  do  not  desire  to  impose  our  pecu-  purpose  on  the  part  of  the  South.   The  repeal 

liar  social  system  upon  any  other  community,  of  the  Missouri  restriction  was  not  intended 

We  do  not  ask  the  North  to  aid  us  in  the  exten-  as  a  measure  of  slavery  extension,  but  of  atone- 

sion  of  slavery.  This  is  our  position  :  we  have  ment  to  the  Constitution  for  an  outrage  upon 

a  compact  with  the   States  of  the  North  by  its  spirit,  and  to  the  South  for  a  violation  of  its 

which  we  are  bound  to  respect  the   States  of  rights  and  dignity.     All  the  South  contended 

the   South  as  co-equal  sovereignties,   and  to  for  in  the  support  of  the   Kansas-Nebraska 

render  them  a  certain  specific  service.     We  bill  was  a  recognition  of  its  equality  under  the 

demand  the  fulfilment  of  the  obligations  of  Constitution  ;  and  all  the  South  now  claims  is, 

the  Constitution,  and  we  demand  nothing  more,  that  its  people  shall  not  be  driven  from  the 

These  obligations  are  too  distinct  for  miseon-  common  territory  by  the  Sharp's  rifles  of  emi- 

ception.     The  South  claims  no  inferential  ad-  grant  aid  societies.  The  South  simply  demands 

vantage   and    no  constructive  privilege.      It  that  the  fair  and  legitimate  expansion  of  its 

stands  upon  the  strict  letter  of  its  right.  social  system  shall  not  be  repressed  by  the  ar- 

So  far  from  convicting  the  Slave  States  of  bitrary   and    unconstitutional    action   of   the 

an.  ambition  to  extend  their  institutions  and  to  federal  government,  and  that  its  institutions 

assert  a  supremacy  over  the  Free   States,  the  shall  be  adopted  or  excluded  only  by  the  peo- 

history  of  the  country  is  but  one  consistent  pie  whom  they  are  to  affect.     Is  there  any- 

record  of  Southern  compromise  and  Southern  thing  of  slavery  propagandism  in  this  prin- 

concession.     The  area  of  slave  territory  has  ciple  ?      Is  there  anything   of  sectional   en- 

not  been  extended  a  single  acre.      On  the  croachment  in  this  position  ?     Yet  this  is  the 

contrary,  an  empire   of   slave   territory   has  position  which  the  South  occupies,  and  this  is 

been  converted  to  free  soil,  and  that  too  by  the  only  principle  for  which  the   South  con- 

the  voluntary  act  of  a  Slave  State.     Virginia  tends.     If  Black  Republicanism  is  to  triumph 

set  the  example  of  concession   by  the  ordin-  in  this  issue,  the   South  must  despair  of  the 

ance   of   87.     The   Missouri    Compromise   of  protection  of  its  rights  and  honor  under  the 

1820   operated   another   large    reduction    of  present  system  of  government, 
slave  territory  :  and  the   Texas   Compromise 

c   10- A                  1    j     x-ii           o.r                             •           /•  In  contrast  with  the  modern  doctrine  of  Sla- 

of  18oO  converted  still  another  vast  region  of  very  Extensiou,  read  what  Washington 

slavery  into  free  soil.     We  repeat,  not  an  acre  said! 

of  territory  which  was  originally  free  soil  is  „  j  can  onl           tbat  there  Ig  not     man  liv. 

subject  to  slavery  now ;  but  by  the  act  of  the  inrT^  who  wisn'es  more  sincereiy  than  I  do  to 

Slave  States  themselves,  an  immeasurable  ex-  se«  a    |an  adopted  for  the  abolition  of  it  (sla- 

tent   of    country   has   been   taken   from   the  verv)>     *     *     AND  Tms,  so    FAR    AS    MY 

bouth  arid  added  to  the  dominion  and  power  SUFFRAGE  WILL  GO,  SHALL  NOT  BE  WANT- 

of  the  Free  States.     To  these  conce  sions  on  ING.»__/;cWer  to  Robert  Morris. 

the  part  of  the  South  we  must  add  its  consent  _        

to  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade  in  the  Dis-  Patrick  Henry's  view. 
trict  of  Columbia ;  and  as  another  instance  of  "  I  believe  a  time  will  come,  when  an  op- 
its  moderation,  we  may  mention   the  fact  that  portunity  will  be  offered  to  abolish  this  lament- 
the  South  never  objected  to  the  emancipation  of  able  evil.     If  not,  let  us  transmit  to  our  des- 
slavery  in  the  Northern  States.     Yet  the  South  c  endants,  together  with  our  slaves,  a  pity  for 
has  as  much  right  to  object  to  emancipation  in  their  unhappy  lot,  and  our  abhorrence  of  sla- 
the  North  as  the  North  has  to  complain  of  sla-  very." — Letter  of  Patrick  Henry  to  R.  Pleas- 
very  in  the  South — nay,  more,  for  emancipation  an/*,  January  18,  1 773. 
endangers  the  security  of  the   South,  but   sla-  ~,         .        TT     I~ ; —         ~7     /•  /7     ^ 
very  in  the  South  does  not  injuriously  affect  The  vmce  °fthe  South  now>  and  °f t1ie  Dem~ 
the  interests  of  the  North.  ocratic  party,  is  that  the  general  government 
It  is  easy  to  anticipate  the  reply  to  this  vin-  shall  adopt  as  its  policy  the  extension  and  per- 
dication  of  the  character  of  the  South.  Black  petuation  Of  Slavery. 

.Republicanism  pretends  to  find  in  the  repeal  ,-                         .          , .     ,                7     - 

of  the  Missouri  restriction  incontestable  proof  Let  us  set  °PP°slte  to  tJm  tjie  coumel  °f  our 

of  the  sectional  ambition  and  aggressive  spirit  greatest  statesmen,  Mr.  CLAY  and  Mr.  WEB- 

of  the  South.     This  is  ano.her  false  impeach-  STER. 


59 

MR*  CLAY*  t'lon'1  ^iev must  ^° more  ^ian  Put 

nevolent  efforts  of  this  Society.     They  must  go 

Extract  from  Coiton's  ure  of  Henry  Clay,    bac/c  to  tfle  era  ,,f  Our  liberty  and  independence, 
showing  hi*  view*  In  early  llfe.y.  187.  fl^  muzde  ^  cannon   ^^   ^^  ^   Qn_ 

"  In  common  with  many  eminent  patriots  of  niial  joyous  return.  They  must  revive  the  slave 
the  Slave-holding  States— such  as  Washington,  trade,  with  all  its  train  of  atrocities.  They 
Jefferson,  Madison,  Marshall,  Mercer,  and  a  must  blow  out  the  moral  lights  around,  us,  and 
host  of  others  — Mr.  Clay  has  ever  regarded  extinguish  the  greatest  torch  of  all  which  Arner- 
slavery  in  the  United  Slates,  not  less  as  a  so-  ica  presents  to  a  benighted  world,  pointing  the 
cial  wrong,  than  a  great  political  evil  — as  a  way  to  their  rights,  their  liberties,  and  their  hap- 
sore  on  the  f  body  politic  —  demanding  the  piness.  And  when  they  have  achieved  all  these 
greatest  consideration  of  the  wise  and  good,  purposes,  their  work  will  yet  be  incomplete. 
for  the  discovery  and  application  of  a  constitu-  They  must  penetrate  the  human,  soul,  and  eradi- 
tional  remedy.  His  entrance  on  the  theatre  of  Cate  the  light  of  reason  and  the  love  of  liberty, 
public  life  in  Kentucky,  was  as  an  emancipa-  Then,  and  not  till  then,  when  universal  dark- 
tionist,  in  1798,  the  year  after  he  removed  to  that  ness  and  despair  prevail,  can  you  perpetuate 
State,  where  he  appeared  first,  in  a  series  of  slavery,  and  repress  all  sympathies,  and  all 
articles  published  at  Lexington  in  the  Ken-  humane  and  benevolent  efforts  among  freemen 
tucky  Gazette  over  the  signature  of  SCLEVOLA;  in  behaff  of  the  unhappy  portion  of  our  race 
and  soon  afterward  he  took  the  field  more  doomed  to  bondage." 
openly,  and  headed  a  party  of  emancipation 
ists  during  the  agitation  of  remodelling  the  His  views  in  isso. 
State  constitution  .proposing  and ^advocating  Extracf  fmm  fl  h  ^^  ft  .^ 
the  introduction  of  an  article  for  the  gradual  ~,  , 

and  ultimate  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  com-    Clay  before  the  Kentucky  Colonization  Society, 
monwealth.      Though  he   and  his   coadjutors  at  Frankfort,  Dec.  17,  1829. 
failed  of  their  object    they  nevertheless  made       «  More  than  thirt  an  atte      t  was 

an  earnest  and  bold  push  leaving  a  lasting  made,  in  this  commonwealth,  to  adopt  a  sys- 
impression  on  the  public  mind.  Not  withstand-  tom  of  dual  emancipation,  similar  to  that 
mg  it  exposed  him  to  obloquy,  and  from  that  which  the  iiiustrious  Franklin  had  mainly  con- 
period  has  been  politically  injurious  to  him,  in  tributedto  introduce,  in  1780,  in  the  State 
the  State  of  his  adoption  he  has  never  retreat-  founded  b  the  benevolent  Penn.  And 
ed  from  the  ground  he  then  occupied,  other-  amon  the  acts  of  life  which  j  look  back 
wise  than  in  fhe  diversion  of  labors  which  to  with  the  most  satisfaction,  is  that  of  having  co- 
could  be  no  longer  of  use,  to  other  public  operated  with  other  zealous  and  intelligent 
objects.  friends,  to  procure  the  establishment  of  that 

"  It  is  well  known  and  has  often  been  re-   svstem  in  this  State. 

peated,  that   about   twenty  years   afterward,     '###*#** 
when  advocating  the  compromise  of  the  Mis-       i  have  never  ceased,  and  never  shall  cease, 
soun  question,  he  said  on  the  floor  of  Congress,  to  re(yret  a  decjsionj  the  effects  of  which  have 
that,  were  he  a  citizen  of  Missouri,  he  would   been  to  place  us  in  tlie  rear  Of  our  neighbors, 
contend  for  an  article  in  her  constitution,  like   wJlQ   are   exempt  from  slavery,  in  the   state  of 
that  he  had  supported  in  Kentucky,  for  gradual  a(,riclluure,  the  progress   of  manufactures,  the 
emancipation,  with  a  view  to  abolition,  and  that  advance  Of  improvements,  and  the  general  pros- 
he  earnestly  recommended  it  to  the  people  of  per^7/  Of  society  " 
that  State." 

01s  Views  In  185O. 

His   views   in    1827—Extract   from  a  Speech  _        . 

Uelivercd  toy  Mr.  Clay  before  the  American  In    the    great    Slavery  debate   OJ   18oO,  M    re- 

ington,          ply  ^  jefferson  £)avis,  then  Senator  from  Mis 
sissippi,  now  Mr.  Pierce's  Secretary  of    War, 
«  We  are  reproached  with  doing  mischief  by   M     a      mid  . 
the  agitation  of  this  question  [slavery].     Col 
lateral    consequences  we  are  not  responsible       "  I  am  extremely  sorry  to  hear  the  Senator 
for.     It  is  not  this  Society  which  has  produced   from  Mississippi  say  that  he  requires,  first  the 
the  great  moral  revolution,  which  this  age  ex-   extension  of  the   Missouri  Compromise    line 
hibits.     What  would  they,  who  thus  reproach   to  the  Pacific,  and  also  that  he  is  not  satisfied 
us,  have  done  V     If  they  would  repress  all  ten-  with  that,  but  requires,  if  I   understood  him 
dencies  toward  liberty  and  ultimate  emancipa-  correctly,  a  positive  provision  for  the  admission 


60 


of  slavery  south  of  that  line.  And  now,  sir, 
coming  from  a  Slave  State,  as  I  do,  1  owe  it 
to  myself,  I  owe  it  to  truth,  I  owe  it  to  the  sub 
ject,  to  say  that  no  earthly  power  could  induce  me 
to  vote  for  a  specific  measure  for  the  introduction 
of  slavery  where  it  had  not  before  existed, 
either  south  or  north  of  that  line.  Coming  as  * 
do,  from  a  Slave  State,  it  is  my  solemn,  deliber 
ate  and  well  matured  determination,  that  no 
power,  no  earthly  power  shall  compel  me  to  vote 
for  the  positive  introduction  of  slavery  either 
south  or  north  of  that  line.  Sir,  while  you  re 
proach,  and  justly  too,  our  British  ancestors, 
for  the  introduction  of  this  institution  upon  the 
continent  of  America,  I  am,  for  one,  unwilling 
that  the  posterity  of  the  present  inhabitants  of 
California  and  of  New  Mexico  shall  reproach 
us  for  doing  just  what  we  reproach  Great  Bri 
tain  for  doing  to  us.  *  *  *  *  These  are 
my  views,  sir,  and  I  choose  to  express  them ; 
and  I  care  net  how  extensively  or  universally 
they  are  known." 

"  These,"  says  Mr.  Benton,  himself  from  a 
Slave  State,  in  his  Thirty  Years'  View,  "  were 
manly  sentiments,  courageously  expressed,  and 
taking  the  right  ground,  so  much  overlooked  or 
perverted  by  others." 

In  his  speech  of  FEBRUARY  5TH,  1850,  he 
used  the  following  emphatic  language. 

We  entreat  the  reader  to  note  its  application 
to  the  state  of  things  now  existing  in  Kansas, 
where  a  civil  war  is  actually  raging  between 
the  reckless  propagandists  of  Slavery  and  the 
unoffending  Free  State  settlers. 

"But  (said  Mr.Clay)  if,  unhappily,  we  should 
be  involved  in  war,  in  civil  war,  between  the 
two  parts  of  this  confederacy,  IN  WHICH  THE 
EFFORT  upon  the  one  side  should  be  to  restrain 
the  introduction  of  Slavery  into  the  new  Terri 
tories,  and  upon  the  other  side  to  force  its  intro 
duction  there,  what  a  spectacle  should  we  pre 
sent  to  the  astonishment  of  mankind,  in  an  ef 
fort,  not  to  propagate  rights,  but,  I  must  say  it, 
though  I  trust  it  will  be  understood  to  be  said 
with  no  design  to  excite  feeling,  —  a  war  to 
propagate  wrongs  in  the  Territories  thus  acquir 
ed  from  Mexico.  It  would  be  a  war  in  which 
we  should  have  no  sympathies  —  no  good  wish 
es  ;  in  which  all  mankind  would  be  against  us ; 
in  which  our  own  history  itself  would  be  against 
us;  for  fjom  the  commencement  of  the  Revolu 
tion  down  to  the  present  time,  we  have  constantly 
reproached  our  British  ancestors  for  the  intro 
duction  of  Slavery  into  this  country." 


MB.  WEBSTER'S 

Opinion  of"  Slavery    and    Slavery  Extension. 

From  the  Boston  Daily  Advertiser. 

With  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  is  es 
tablished,  Mr.  Webster,  and  nobody  else  at  the 
North  who  respects  the  Constitution,  ever  pre 
tended  or  designed  to  interfere.  But  when 
the  question  relates  to  the  introduction  of 
slavery  into  territory  where  it  does  not  already 
exist,  the  subject  assumes  an  entirely  different 
aspect.  This  question  has  repeatedly  arisen 
in  different  cases,  during  the  history  of  the 
Union,  and  in  every  case  during  Mr.  Webster's 
life  when  it  arose,  he  uniformly  put  himself  on 
the  side  of  opposition  to  slavery ;  he  maintain 
ed  the  rights  of  the  general  government  un 
der  the  Constitution,  and  the  duty  of  the  peo 
ple  of  the  North,  injustice  to  themselves  and 
to  the  future  population  of  the  nascent  States, 
to  prevent  the  growth  of  what  he  and  they 
believed  to  be  a  blighting  influence. 

The  question  arose  pending  the  admission 
of  Missouri  into  the  Union ;  it  arose  again  on 
the  annexation  of  Texas ;  again  in  the  discus 
sions  respecting  Oregon;  and  again  in  the 
case  of  California,  New  Mexico  and  Utah,  in 
which  last  case  it  was  determined  by  circum 
stances  which  (in  Mr.  Webster's  opinion)  took 
it  beyond  the  range  of  ordinary  political  con 
siderations.  In  all  these  cases,  he  expressed  his 
opinions  very  decidedly  and  distinctly  against 
the  extension  of  slavery  into  free  territory. 

The  question  is  now  forced  anew  upon  the 
country,  under  very  peculiar  circumstances. 
A  portion  of  our  territory,  which  had  once 
been  dedicated  to  freedom  "  forever, "  by  a 
law  which  Mr.  Webster,  thirty  years  after  its 
passage,  regarded  as  irrepealable,  has  been 
prepared  for  slavery  by  a  repeal  of  that  law. 
There  is  an  obvious  determination,  to  which 
no  sane  man  can  shut  his  eyes,  on  the  part  pf 
the  Southern  politicians,  cordially  aided  by  the 
Democratic  party,  to  introduce  Kansas,  and 
perhaps  Nebraska,  into  the  Union  as  slave- 
holding  States,  to  be  followed  by  a  whole  tier 
of  slaveholding  States  stretching  west  to  the 
Pacific.  We  are  brought  back  in  1856  to  the 
state  of  things  which  existed  before  the  admission 
of  Missouri,  when  Mr.  Webster  said,  "  This  is 
the  last  time  the  opportunity  will  happen  to  fix 
the  limits  of  slavery,  which  else  will  roll  on,  des 
olating  the  vast  expanse  of  continent  to  the  Pa 
cific  Ocean"  We  are  brought  back  to  this  state 
of  things,  but  have  meanwhile  been  taught  by  ex 
perience  some  useful  lessons  as  to  the  mode  in 
which  we  must  meet  the  question. 


61 


In  this  exigency,  while  we  believe  that  Mr. 
Webster  might  agree  with  his  friend  Mr. 
Choate,  in  regarding  the  question  of  the  pres 
idential  election  as  narrowed  to  a  naked  choice 
between  Mr.  Buchanan  and  Colonel  Fremont, 
we  cannot  suppose  that  he  could  bring  himself 
to  support  the  former,  a  candidate  pledged  to 
the  maintenance  of  the  policy  of  the  present 
administrator  and  the  representative  of  the 
Democratic  party  which  in  each  former  crisis 
has  been  ready  to  yield  a  support  to  the  inter 
ests  of  the  slaveholding  States,  without  which 
support  Texas  would  not  have  been  annexed, 
the  Mexican  war  would  not  have  been  fought, 
and  the  Missouri  compromise  would  not  have 
been  repealed. 

Mr.  Webster's  opinions  on  these  subjects  are 
so  well  known  to  those  who  have  studied  his 
writings,  that  it  is  really  quite  unnecessary  to 
allude  to  the  matter  as  if  there  were  any  un 
certainty  about  them.  There  is  none  ;  he  was 
a  consistent  and  determined  opponent  of  slave 
ry  extern-ion.  But  as  there  has  been  a  singu 
lar  evidence  of  a  disposition  to  make  a  state 
ment  of  his  opinions  by  a  stretched  and  arbi 
trary  use  of  personal  authority ;  and  as  some 
of  our  readers  may  not  have  all  the  documents 
at  hand  for  reference,  we  have  collected  toge 
ther  in  this  morning's  paper  several  of  Mr. 
Webster's  writings  on  this  subject. 


Mr.  Webster's  Boston  Memorial. 

The  committee  appointed  by  a  vote  of  a 
meeting  holden  in  the  State  House  on  the  3d 
instant,  to  prepare  a  Memorial  to  Congress  on 
the  subject  of  the  Prohibition  of  Slavery  in 
the  new  States,  submit  the  following  I— 
DANIEL  WEBSTER, 
GEORGE  BLAKE, 
JOSIAH  QUINCY, 
JAMES  T.  AUSTIN, 
JOHN  GALLISON. 
Boston,  December  15,  1819. 

MEMORIAL. 

To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
of  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assem 
bled : 

The  undersigned,  inhabitants  of  Boston  and 
its  vicinity,  beg  leave  most  respectfully  and 
humbly  to*  re present :  That  the  question  of  the 
introduction  of  slavery  into  the  New  States  to 
be  formed  on  the  West  side  of  the  Mississippi 
River,  appears  to  them  to  be  a  question  of  the 
last  importance  to  the  future  welfare  of  the 
United  States.  If  the  progress  of  this  great 
evil  is  ever  to  be  arrested,  it  seems  to  the  under 
sized  that  this  is  the  time  to  arrest  it.  A 


false  step  taken  now  cannot  be  retraced  ;  and 
it  appears  to  us  that  the  happiness  of  unborn 
millions  rests  on  the  measures  which  Congress 
may,  on  this  occasion,  adopt.  Considering 
this  as  no  local  question,  nor  a  question  to  be 
decided  by  a  temporary  expediency,  but  as 
involving  great  interests  of  the  whole  of  the 
United  States,  and  affecting  deeply  and  essen 
tially  those  objects  of  common  defence,  gene 
ral  welfare,  and  the  perpetuation  of  the  bless 
ings  of  liberty,  for  which  the  Constitution  it 
self  was  formed,  we  have  presumed,  in  this 
way,  to  offer  our  sentiments  arid  express  our 
wishes  to  the  National  Legislature.  And  as  va 
rious  reasons  have  been  suggested,  against  pro 
hibiting  Slavery  in  the  New  States,  it  may 
perhaps  be  permitted  to  us  to  state  our  rea 
sons,  both  for  believing  that  Congress  possess 
es  the  Constitutional  power  to  make  such  pro 
hibition  a  condition,  on  the  admission  of  a  New 
State  into  the  Union,  and  that  it  is  just  and 
proper  that  they  should  exercise  that  power. 

And,  in  the  first  place,  as  to  the  Constitu 
tional  authority  of  Congress.  The  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  has  declared  that 
"  the  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of 
and  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations 
respecting  the  Territory,  or  other  property 
belonging  to  the  United  States,  and  nothing 
in  this  Constitution  shall  be  so  construed  as  to 
prejudice  the  claims  of  the  United  States,  or 
of  any  particular  State. "  It  is  very  well 
known  that  the  saving  in  this  clause  of  the 
claims  of  any  particular  State  was  designed  to 
apply  to  claims  by  the  then  existing  States,  of 
territory  which  was  also  claimed  by  the  Unit 
ed  States  as  their  own  property.  It  has,  there 
fore,  no  bearing  on  the  present  question. 
The  power,  then,  of  Congress  over  its  own 
territories  is,  by  the  very  terms  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  unlimited.  It  may  make  all  "needful  rules 
and  regulations  ;  "  which  of  course  include  all 
such  regulations  as  its  own  views  of  policy  or 
expediency  shall  from  time  to  time  dictate. 
If,  therefore,  in  its  judgment,  it  be  needful  for 
the  benefit  of  a  Territory  to  enact  a  prohibition 
of  Slavery,  it  would  seem  to  be  as  much  within 
its  power  of  legislation,  as  any  other  ordinary 
act  of  local  policy.  Its  sovereignty  bein<j  com 
plete  and  universal,  as  to  the  Territory,  it  may 
exercise  over  it  the  most  ample  jurisdiction  in 
every  respect.  It  possesses  in  this  view  all 
the  authority  which  any  State  Legislature 
possesses  over  its  own  territory ;  and  if  a  State 
Legislature  may,  in  its  discretion,  abolish  or 
prohibit  Slavery  within  its  own  limits,  in  vir 
tue  of  its  general  legislative  authority,  for  the 
same  reason  Congress  also  may  exercise  the 


62 


like  authority  over  its  own  Territories.  And 
that  a  State  Legislature,  unless  restrained  by 
some  constitutional  provision,  may  so  do,  is  un 
questionable,  and  has  been  established  by  gen 
eral  practice. 

******* 

Upon  the  whole,  the  memorialists  would 
respectfully  submit  that  the  terms  of  the  Con 
stitution,  as  well  as  the  practice  of  the  govern 
ments  under  it,  must,  as  they  humbly  con 
ceive,  entirely  justify  the  conclusion,  that 
Congress  may  prohibit  the  further  introduc 
tion  of  slavery  into  its  own  Territories,  and 
also  make  such  prohibition  a  condition  of  the 
admission  of  any  new  State  into  the  Union. 

If  the  constitutional  power  of  Congress  to 
make  the  proposed  prohibition  be  satisfacto 
rily  shown,  the  justice  and  policy  of  such  pro 
hibition  seems  to  the  undersigned  to  be  sup 
ported  by  plain  and  strong  reasons.  The  per 
mission  of  slavery  in  a  new  State  necessarily 
draws  after  it  an  extension  of  that  inequality 
of  representation,  which  already  exists  in  re 
gard  to  the  original  States.  It  cannot  be  ex 
pected,  that  those  of  the  original  States  which 
do  not  hold  slaves,  can  look  on  such  an  exlen- 
sion  as  being  politically  just.  As  between  the 
original  States,  the  representation  rests  on 
compact  and  plighted  faith ;  and  your  memo 
rialists  have  no  wish,  that  that  compact  should 
be  disturbed,  or  that  plighted  faith  in  the 
slightest  degree  violated.  But  th.3  subject  as 
sumes  an  entirely  different  character,  when  a 
new  State  proposes  to  be  admitted.  With  her 
there  is  no  compact,  and  no  faith  plighted  ;  and 
where  is  the  reason  that  she  should  come  into 
the  Union  with  more  than  an  equal  share  of 
political  importance  and  political  power  ? 
Already  the  ratio  of  representation,  estab 
lished  by  the  Constitution,  has  given  to  the 
States  holding  slaves  twenty  members  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  more  than  they 
would  have  been  entitled  to,  except  under  the 
particular  provision  of  the  Constitution.  In 
all  probability,  this  number  will  be  doubled  in 
tnirty  years.  Under  these  circumstances,  we 
deem  it  not  an  unreasonable  expectation  that 
the  inhabitants  of  Missouri  should  propose  to 
come  into  the  Union,  renouncing  the  right  in 
question,  and  establishing  a  Constitution,  pro 
hibiting  it  forever.  Without  dwelling  on  this 
topic,  we  have  still  thought  it  our  duty  to  pre 
sent  it  to  the  consideration  of  Congress.  We 
present  it  with  a  deep  and  earnest  feeling  cf 
its  importance,  and  we  respectfully  solicit  for 
it  the  full  consideration  of  the  National  Legis 
lature. 

Your  memorialists  were  not    without   the 


hope,  that  the  time  had  at  length  arrived, 
when  the  inconvenience  and  the  danger  of 
this  description  of  population  had  become  ap 
parent,  in  all  parts  of  this  country,  and  in  all 
parts  of  the  civilized  world.  It  might  have 
been  hoped  that  the  new  States  themselves 
would  have  had  such  a  view  of  their  own  per 
manent  interests  and  prosperity,  as  would 
have  led  them  to  prohibit  its  extension  and 
increase.  The  wonderful  increase  and  pros 
perity  of  the  States  north  of  the  Ohio,  is  un 
questionably  to  be  ascribed  in  a  great  measure 
to  the  consequences  of  the  ordinance  of  1787, 
and  few,  indeed,  are  the  occasions,  in  the  his 
tory  of  nations,  in  which  so  much  can  be  done, 
by  a  single  act,  for  the  benefit  of  future  gene 
rations,  as  was  done  by  that  ordinance,  and  as 
may  now  be  done  by  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States.  We  appeal  to  the  justice  and 
the  wisdom  of  tlie  national  councils,  to  prevent 
the  further  progress  of  a  great  and  serious  evil. 
We  appeal  to  those  who  look  forward  to  the  re 
mote  consequences  of  their  measures,  and  who 
cannot  balance  a  temporary  or  trifling  con 
venience,  if  there  were  such,  against  a  perma 
nent  growing  and  desolating  evil. 

We  cannot  forbear  to  remind  the  two 
Houses  of  Congress  that  the  early  and  deci 
sive  measures  adopted  by  the  American  Gov 
ernment  for  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade 
are  among  the  proudest  memorials  of  our 
Nation's  glory.  That  slavery  was  ever  toler 
ated  in  the  Republic  is,  as  yet,  to  be  attrib 
uted  to  the  policy  of  another  government 
No  imputation,  thus  far,  rests  on  any  portion  of 
the  American  confederacy.  The  Missouri  Ter 
ritory  is  a  new  country.  If  its  extensive  and 
fertile  fields  shall  be  opened  as  a  market  for 
slaves,  the  government  will  seem  to  become  a 
party  to  a  traffic,  which,  in  so  many  acts, 
through  so  many  years,  it  has  denounced  as 
impolitic,  unchristian,  inhuman.  To  enact 
laws  to  punish  the  traffic,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  tempt  cupidity  and  avarice  by  the  allure 
ments  of  an  insatiable  market,  is  inconsistent 
and  irreconcilable.  Government,  by  such  a 
course,  would  only  defeat  its  own  purposes, 
and  render  nugatory  its  own  measures.  Nor 
can  the  laws  derive  support  from  the  manners 
of  the  people,  if  the  power  of  moral  sentiment 
be  weakened  by  enjoying,  under  the  permis 
sion  of  Government,  great  facilities  to  commit 
offences.  The  laws  of  the  United  States  have 
denounced  heavy  penalties  against  the  traffic 
in  slaves,  because  such  traffic  is  deemed  un 
just  and  inhuman.  We  appeal  to  the  spirit 
of  these  laws ;  we  appeal  to  this  justice 
and  humanity  ;  we  ask  whether  they  ought  not 


to  operate  on  the  present  occasion  with  all  it;  for  that  seems  to  imply  a  voluntary  estab- 
their  force?  We  have  a  strong  feeling  of  the  lishment.  When  I  first  came  here,  it  was  a 
injustice  of  any  toleration  of  slavery.  Cir-  matter  of  frequent  reproach  to  England,  the 
cumstances  have  entailed  it  on  a  portion  of  mother  country,  that  slavery  had  been  entailed 
our  community,  which  cannot  be  immediately  upon  the  colonies  by  her,  against  their  con- 
relieved  from  it  without  consequences  more  in-  sent,  and  that  which  is  now  considered  a  cher- 
jurious  than  the  suffering  of  the  evil.  But  to  ished  "  institution"  was  then  regarded  as, 
permit  it  in  a  new  country,  where  yet  no  habits  I  witt  not  say  an  evil,  but  an  entail  ment  on  the 
are  forrred  which  render  it  indispensable,  what  colonies  by  the  policy  of  the  mother  country 
is  it,  but  to  encourage  that  rapacity  and  fraud  against  their  wishes.  At  any  rate  it  stands 
and  violence,  against  which  we  have  sv  long  upon  the  Constitution.  The  Constitution  was 
pointed  the  denunciations  of  our  penal  code  ?  adopted  in  1788,  and  went  into  operation  in 
What  is  it,  but  to  tarnish  the  proud  fame  of  the  1789.  When  it  was  adopted  the  state  of  the 
country  ?  What  is  it,  but  to  throw  suspicion  on  country  was  this  :  slavery  existed  in  the 
its  good  faith,  and  to  render  questionable  all  its  Southern  States  ;  there  was  a  very  large  ex- 
professions  of  regard  for  the  rights  of  humanity  tent  of  unoccupied  territory,  the  whole  North- 
and  the  liberties  of  mankind  ?  western  Territory,  which,  it  was  understood, 

As  inhabitants  of  a  free  country  ;  as  citizens  was  destined  to  be  formed  into  States  ;  and  it 
of  a  great  and  rising  Republic  ;  as  members  of  was  then  determined  that  no  slavery  should 
a  Christian  community  ;  as  living  in  a  liberal  exist  in  this  territory.  I  gather  now  as  matter 
and  enlightened  age,  and  as  feeling  ourselves  of  inference  from  the  history  of  the  time  and 
called  upon  by  the  dictates  of  religion  and  the  history  of  the  debates,  that  the  prevailing 
humanity  ;  we  have  presumed  to  offer  our  sen-  motives  with  the  North  for  agreeing  to  this  re- 
timents  to  Congress  on  this  question,  with  a  cognition  of  the  existence  of  slavery  in  the 
solicitude  for  the  event  far  beyond  what  a  Southern  Slates,  and  giving  a  representation  to 
common  occasion  could  inspire.  those  States,  founded  in  part  upon  their  slaves, 

_        .    rested  on  the  supposition  that  no  acquisition  of 
Extract    from    Mr.    Webster's  t 


would  be  made  to  form  new  States  on 

Mass.,  Sept.  29,  is  17.  ^e  Southern  frontier  of  this  country,  either  by 

"  There  is  no  one  who  can  complain  of  the  cession  or  conquest.    No  one  looked  to  any  ac- 

North  for  resisting^  the  increase  of  slave  repre-  quisition  of  new  territory  on  the  Southern  or 

sentation,  because  it  gives  power  to  the  minor-  Southwestern  frontier.     The  exclusion  of  sla- 

ity  in  a  manner  inconsistent  with  the  princi-  very  from  the  Northwestern    Territory  and 

pies  of  our  government.      What  is  past  must  the  prospective  abolition  of  the  foreign  slave 

stand  ;  what  is  established  must  stand  ;  and  trade  were  generally,  the  former  unanimously, 

with  the  same  firmness  with  which  I  shall  re-  agreed  to,  and  on  the  basis  of  these  considera- 

sist  every  plan  to  augment  the  slave  represen-  tions,  the  South  insisted  that  where  slavery  ex- 

tation,  or  to  bring  the  Constitution  into  hazard  jsted  it  should  not  be  interfered  with,  and  that 

by  attempting  to  extend  our  dominions,  shall  it  should  have  a  certain  ratio  of  representation 

I  contend  to  allow  existing  rights  to  remain."  jn   Congress.     And  now,  sir,   I  am  one  who, 

"  Sir,  I  can  only  say  that,  in  my  judgment,  believing   such  to   be  the  understanding  on 

WE  ARE  TO  USE  THE   FIRST,   AND  which  the  Constitution  was  framed,  mean  to 

THE  LAST,  AND   EVERY  OCCASION  abide  by  it. 

WHICH    OCCURS,  IN  MAINTAINING  ***** 

OUR  SENTIMENTS  AGAINST  THE  EX-  I  have  now  stated,  as  I  understand  it,  the 

TENSION  OF  THE  SLAVE  POWER."  condition  of  things  upon  the  adoption  of  the 

„,.«««  Constitution  of  the  United  States.     What  has 

Excision  of  Slavery  from  tUe  Territories.    happened   ^  ?      ^   jt  ^  happened   that 

Remarks    made   by   Mr.   Webster  in  the  above  and  beyond  all  contemplation  or  expec- 

Senate  of  the  United  States,  on  the  tation  of  the  original  framers  of  the  Con>titu- 

Wli  of  August,  1848.  *«>n  or  the  people  who  adopted  it,  foreign  ter 

ritory  has  been  acquired  by  cesMon,  first  from 

EXTRACTS.  France,  and  then  from  Spain,  on  our  Southern 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  re-  frontier.     And   what   has   been   the   result  ? 

roonizes  it  (slavery)  as  an  existing  fact,  an  Five  slave-holding  States  have  been  created 

existing  relation  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  and  added  to  the  Union  bringing  ten  Senators 

Sou  thern  States      I  do  not  call  it  an  «  institu-  into  this  body,  (I  include  Texas,  which  I  con- 

tion"  because  hat  term  is  not  applicable  to  sider  in  the  light  of  a  foreign  acquisition  also) 


64 

and  up  to  tins  hour  in  which  I  address  you,  find  no  end  "  in  wandering  mazes  lost,"  until 
not  one  Free  State  has  been  admitted  to  the  afrer  the  time  for  the  adjournment  of  Congress. 
Union,  from  all  this  acquired  territory.  The  Southern  States  have  peculiar  laws,  and 

(Mr.  Berrien  in  his  seat).     Yes,  Iowa.  by   those   laws   there   is  property   in   slaves. 

Iowa  is  not  yet  in  the  Union.  Her  Sena-  This  is  purely  local.  The  real  meaning  then, 
tors  are  not  here.  When  she  comes  in  there  of  Southern  gentlemen,  in  making  this  complaint 
will  be  one  to  five,  one  Free  State  to  five  Slave  is,  that  they  cannot  go  into  the  terr.  ories  of  the 
States  formed  out  of  new  territories.  United  States,  carrying  with  the1  their  own 

*  peculiar  local  law,  a  law  which  creates  prop- 

Mr.  President,  what  is  the  result  of  this  ?  erty  in  persons.  This,  according  to  their 
We  stand  here  now,  at  least  I  do,  for  one,  to  own  statement,  is  all  the  ground  of  complaint 
say,  that  considering  there  have  been  already  they  have.  Now,  here,  1  think,  gentlemen 
five  new  slave-holding  States  formed  out  of  are  unjust  towards  us.  How  unjust  they  are, 
newly  acquired  territory,  and  only  one  non-  others  will  judge  ;  generations  that  will  come 
slaveholding  State  at  most,  I  do  not  feel  that  after  us  will  judge.  It  will  not  be  contended 
I  am  called  on  to  go  further  !  I  do  not  feel  that  this  sort  of  personal  slavery  exists  by 
the  obligation  to  yield  more.  But  our  friends  general  law.  It  exists  only  by  local  law.  I 
of  the  South  say,  you  deprive  us  of  all  our  do  not  mean  to  deny  the  validity  of  that  local 
rights.  We  have  fought  for  this  territory,  and  law  where  it  is  established,  but  I  say,  it  is, 
you  deny  us  participation  in  it.  Let  us  con-  after  all,  local  law.  It  is  nothing  more.  And 
sider  this  question  as  it  really  is;  and  since  the  wherever  that  local  law  does  not  extend,  prop- 
honorable  gentleman  from  Georgia  proposes  erty  in  persons  does  not  exist.  Well,  sir, 
to  leave  the  case  to  the  enlightened  and  im-  what  is  now  the  demand  on  the  part  of  our 
partial  judgment  of  mankind,  and  as  1  agree  Southern  friends  ?  They  say,  "  we  will  carry 
with  him  that  it  is  a  case  proper  to  be  con-  our  local  laws  with  us  wherever  we  go.  We 
sidered  by  the  enlightened  part  of  mankind,  let  insist  that  Congress  does  us  injustice  unless  it 
us  see  how  the  matter  it  truth  stands.  Gen-  establishes  in  the  territory  in  \vhich  we  wish  to 
tlemen  who  advocate  the  case  which  my  hono-  go,  our  own  local  law." 

rable  friend  from  Georgia,  with  so  much  abil-  This  demand  I,  for  one,  resist  and  shall  re- 
ity  sustains,  declare  that  we  invade  their  sisL  It  goes  upon  the  idea  that  there  is  an  in- 
rights,  that  we  deprive  them  of  a  participation  equality,  unless  persons  under  this  local  law, 
in  the  enjoyment  of  territories  acquired  by  the  and  holding  property  by  authority  of  that  law, 
common  services  and  common  exertions  of  all.  can  go  into  new  territory  and  there  establish 
Is  this  true  ?  How  deprive  ?  Of  what  do  that  local  law,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  general 
we  deprive  them  ?  Why,  they  say  that  we  law.  Mr.  President,  it  was  a  maxim  of  the 
deprive  them  of  the  privilege  of  carrying  their  civil  law,  that  between  slavery  and  freedom, 
slaves  as  slaves  into  the  new  territories.  Well,  freedom  should  always  be  presumed,  and  sla- 
sir,  what  is  the  amount  of  that?  They  say  very  must  al  ways  be  proved.  If  any  question 
that  in  this  way  we  deprive  them  of  the  opportu-  arose  as  to  the  status  of  an  individual  in  Rome, 
nity  of  going  into  this  acquired  territory  ivith  he  was  presumed  to  be  free  until  he  was  proved 
their  property.  "  Their  property  ?"  What  do  to  be  a  slave,  because  slavery  is  an  exception 
they  mean  by  "  property."  We  certainty  do  to  the  general  rule.  Such,  I  suppose,  is  the 
not  deprive  them  of  the  privilege  of  going  into  general  law  of  mankind.  An  individual  is 
these  newly  acquired  territories  with  all  that,  in  to  be  presumed  to  be  fiee,  until  a  law  can  be 
the  general  estimate  of  human  society,  in  the  produced  which  creates  ownership  in  his  per- 
general,  and  common,  and  universal  under-  son.  I  do  not  dispute  the  force  and  validity 
standing  of  mankind,  is  esteemed  property,  of  the  local  law,  as  I  have  already  said  ;  but 
Not  at  all.  The  truth  is  just  this.  They  have  I  say,  it  is  a  matter  to  be  proved  ;  and  there 
in  their  own  States  peculiar  laws,  which  create  fore,  if  individuals  go  into  any  part  of  the 
property  in  persons.  They  have  a  system  of  earth,  it  is  to  be  proved  that  they  are  not  free- 
local  legislation  on  which  slavery  rests ;  while  men,  or  else  the  presumption  is  that  they  are. 
ever} body  agrees  that  it  is  against  natural  law,  Now  our  friends  seem  to  think  that  an  ine-^ 
or  at  least  against  the  common  understanding  quality  arises  from  restraining  them  from  go- 
which  prevails  among  men  as  to  what  is  natu-  ing  into  the  Territories,  ^unless  there  be  a  law 
ral  law.  provided  which  shall  protect  their  ownership 

I  am  not  going  into  metaphysics,  for  therein  in  persons.  The  assertion  is  that  we  create 
I  should  encounter  the  honorable  member  from  an  inequality.  Is  there  nothing  to  be  said  on 
South  Carolina,  (Mr.  Calhoun,)  and  we  should  the  other  side  in  relation  to  inequality  ?  Sir, 


65 


from  the  date  of  this  Constitution,  and  in  the 
counsels  that  formed  and  established  this  Con 
stitution,  and  I  suppose  in  all  men's  judgments 
since,  it  is  received  as  a  settled  truth,  that  slave 
labor  and  free  labor  do  not  exist  well  together. 
I  have  before  me  a  declaration  of  Mr.  Mason, 
in  the  Convention  that  formed  the  Constitu 
tion,  to  that  effect.  Mr.  Mason,  as  is  well 
known,  was  a  distinguished  member  from  Vir 
ginia.  He  says  that  the  objection  to  slave  labor 
is,  that  it  puts  free  white  labor  in  disrepute ; 
that  it  causes  labor  to  be  regarded  as  derogatory 
to  the  character  of  the  free  white  man,  and 
that  the  free  white  man  despises  to  work, 
to  use  his  expression,  where  slaves  are  em 
ployed.  This  is  a  matter  of  great  interest 
to  the  Free  States,  if  it  be  true,  as  to  a  great 
extent  it  certainly  is,  that  wherever  slave 
labor  prevails,  free  white  labor  is  excluded  or 
discouraged.  I  agree  that  slave  labor  does 
not  necessarily  exclude  free  labor  totally. 
There  is  free  white  labor  in  Virginia,  Tennes 
see,  and  other  States,  where  most  of  the  labor 
is  done  by  slaves.  But  it  necessarily  loses 
something  of  its  respectability,  by  the  side  of 
and  when  associated  with,  slave  labor.  Wher 
ever  labor  is  mainly  performed  by  slaves,  it  is 
regarded  as  degrading  to  freemen.  The  free 
men  of  the  North,  therefore,  have  a  deep  interest 
in  keeping  labor  free,  exclusively  free,  in  the 
new  Territories. 

But,  sir,  let  us  look  farther  into  this  alleged 
inequality.  There  is  no  pretence  that  South 
ern  people  may  not  go  into  territory  which 
shall  be  subject  to  the  ordinance  of  1787. 
The  only  restraint  is  that  they  shall  not  carry 
slaves  thither,  and  continue  that  relation. 
They  say  this  shuts  them  altogether  out.  Why, 
sir,  there  can  be  nothing  more  inaccurate  in 
point  of  fact  than  this  statement.  I  understand 
that  one-half  the  people  who  settled  Illinois 
are  people,  or  descendants  of  people,  who 
came  from  the  Southern  States,  and  I  suppose 
that  one-third  of  the  people  of  Ohio  are  those, 
or  descendants  of  those  who  emigrated  from 
the  South ;  and  I  venture  to  say,  that  in  res 
pect  to  those  two  States,  they  are  at  this  day 
settled  by  people  of  Southern  origin  in  as 
great  a  proportion  as  they  are  by  people  of 
Northern  origin,  according  to  the  general 
numbers  and  proportion  of  people  South  and 
North.  There  are  as  many  people  from  the 
South  in  proportion  to  the  whole  people  of 
the  South,  in  those  States,  as  there  are  from 
the  North,  in  proportion  to  the  whole  people 
of  the  North.  There  is  then  no  exclusion  of 
Southern  people ;  there  is  only  the  exclusion  of 
a  peculiar  local  law.  Neither  in  principle  nor 
in  fact  is  there  any  inequality. 


The  question  now  is,  whether  it  is  not  com 
petent  to  Congress,  in  the  exercise  of  a  fair 
and  just  discretion,  considering  that  there 
have  been  five  Slaveholding  States  added  to 
this  Union  out  of  foreign  acquisitions,  and  as 
yet  only  one  Free  State,  to  prevent  their  fur 
ther  increase.  That  is  the  question.  I  see 
no  injustice  in  it.  As  to  the  power  of  Congress,  \ 
I  have  nothing  to  add  to  what  1  said  the  other  \ 
day.  Congress  has  full  power  over  the  subject. 
It  may  establish  any  such  government,  and  any 
such  laws,  in  the  Territories,  as  in  its  discretion 
it  may  see  fit.  It  is  subject,  of  course,  to  the 
rules  of  justice  and  propriety,  but  it  is  under  no 
Constitutional  restraints. 

I  have  said  that  I  shall  consent  to  no  exten-  , 
sion  of  the  area  of  slavery  upon  tliis  continent, 
nor  to  any  increase  of  slave  representation  in 
the  ether  House  of  Congress.  I  have  now 
stated  my  reasons  for  my  conduct  and  my 
vote.  We  of  the  North  have  already  gone,  in 
this  respect,  far  bevond  all  that  any  Southern 
man  could  have  expected,  or  did  expect  at  the 
time  of  the  adoption  dffthe  Constitution.  Ire- 
peat  the  statement  of  the  fact  of  the  creation 
of  five  new  Slaveholding  States  out  of  newly 
acquired  territory.  We  have  done  that  which 
if  those  who  framed  the  Constitution  had  fore 
seen,  they  never  would  have  agreed  to  slave  rep 
resentation.  We  have  yielded  thus  far ;  and  we 
have  now  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
twenty  persons  voting  upon  this  very  question, 
and  upon  all  other  questions,  who  are  there 
only  in  virtue  of  the  representation  of  slaves. 

Let  me  conclude,  therefore,  by  remarking 
that,  while  I  am  willing  to  present  this  as 
showing  my  own  judgment  and  position  in 
regard  to  this  case,  and  I  beg  it  to  be  under 
stood  that  I  am  speaking  for  no  other  than 
myself,  and  while  I  am  willing  to  offer  it  to 
the  whole  world  as  my  own  justification,!  rest 
on  these  propositions  :  First,  That  when  this 
Constitution  was  adopted,  nobody  looked  for 
any  new  acquisition  of  territory  to  be  formed 
into  Slaveholding  States.  Secondly,  That 
the  principles  of  the  Constitution  prohibited, 
and  were  intended  to  prohibit,  and  should  be 
construed  to  prohibit  all  interference  of  the 
general  government  with  slavery,  as  it  ex 
isted,  and  as  it  still  exists  in  the  States.  And 
then  looking  to  the  operation  of  these  new  ac 
quisitions,  which  have  in  this  great  degree  had 
the  effect  of  strengthening  that  interest  in  the 
South,  by  the  addition  of  these  five  States,  I 
feel  that  there  is  nothing  unjust,  nothing  of 
which  any  honest  man  can  complain,  if  he  is 
intelligent,  and  I  feel  that  there  is  nothing 
with  which  the  civilized  world,  if  they  take 
5 


66 

notice  of  so  humble  a  person  as  myself,  will       "If  I  believed  him  (Gen.   Taylor)  to  le  a 

reproach  me  when  I  say,  as  I  said  the  other  man  that  would  plunge  the  country  into  further 

day,  that  I  have  made  up  my  mind,  for  one,  wars,  for  any  purpose  of  ambition  or  conquest, 

that  under  no  circumstances  ivill  I  consent  to  the  I  would  oppose   him,  let  him  be   nominated  by 

further  extension  of  the  area  of  slavery  in   the  whom  he  might.     If  I  believed  that  he  was  a 

United  States,  or  to  the  further  increase  of  slave  man  who  would  exercise  his   official   influence 

representation  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  for  the  further  extension  of  the  slave  power,  I 


Extract,  from  the  Speech  of  Mr.  Webster  at  °PP°Se  *«"»  kt  Um  be  Dominated  by  whom 

Martihfield,  Sept.  1,  1848.  he  might. 

"I  Speak   Without    disrespect    of   the    Free          Ml%  Webster,  on  the  *th  of  March,  185O. 

Soil   party.     I  have  read  their  platform,  and  "  I  wSU  n<>w  ask  my  friend  from  Rhode 

though  I  think  there  are  some  rotten  places  in   Island  to  read  another  extract  from  a  speech 
it,  /  can  stand  on  it  pretty  well.    But  I  see   of    mine    made   at  a  Whig  Convention  in 
nothing  in  it  which  is  new  and  valuable  ;  what   Springfield,   Massachusetts,   in  the  month  of 
is  valuable  is  old,  and  what  is  new  is  not  valu-   September,  1847. 
aD]e.  Mr.  Greene   here  read   the  following  ex- 

"  Gentlemen,  if  the  term  of  Free  Soil  party   tract  :— 

or  Free  Soil  men,  designate  one  who  is  fixed  "  We  hear  much  just  now  of  a  panacea  for 
and  unalterable,  is  so  to-day,  and  was  so  yes-  the  dangers  and  evils  of  slavery  and  slave  an- 
terday,  and  has  been  sb  for  some  time,  then  I  nexation,  which  they  call  the  '  Wilmot  Provi- 
hold  myself  to  be  as  good  a  Free  Soil  man  as  so.'  That  certainly  is  a  just  sentiment,  but  it 
any  of  the  Buffalo  Convention.  I  pray  to  is  not  a  sentiment  to  found  any  new  party 
know  who  is  to  put  beneath  my  feet  a  freer  upon.  It  is  not  a  sentiment  on  which  Massa- 
soil  than  that  which  I  have  stood  upon  ever  chusetts  Whigs  differ.  There  is  not  a  man  in 
since  I  have  been  in  public  'life.  I  pray  to  this  hall  who  holds  to  it  firmer  than  I  do,  nor 
know  who  is  to  make  my  lips  freer  than  they  one  who  adheres  to  it  more  than  another. 
have  ever  been,  for  the  utterance  of  truth  and  «  I  feel  some  little  interest  in  this  matter, 
sound  principle,  as  I  understood  it.  I  beg  to  sir.  Did  not  I  commit  myself  in  1837  to  the 
know  who  is  to  inspire  into  my  breast  a  more  whole  doctrine,  fully,  entirely  ?  And  I  must  be 
resolute  and  fixed  determination,  to  resist  un-  permitted  to  say,  that  I  cannot  quite  consent 
yieldingly  the  encroachments  and  advances  of  that  more  recent  discoverers  should  claim  the 
the  slave  power  in  this  country,  than  has  inhabited  merit  and  take  out  a  patent. 
it  ever  since  the  day  that  I  first  opened  my  mouth  "/  deny  the  priority  of  their  invention.  Al- 
in  the  councils  of  the  country.  *  *  *  low  me  to  say,  sir,  it  is  not  their  thunder.  .  .  . 
I  am  bound  to  say  on  my  conscience,  that  I  "  We  are  to  use  the  first  and  the  last,  and 
think  that  of  all  the  evils  inflicted  upon  us  by  every  occasion  which  offers,  to  oppose  the  exten- 
these  acquisitions  and  accessions  of  slave  terri-  sion  of  slave  power. 

tory,  the  North  has  borne  its  full  part.  *  *  *  "  But  I  speak  of  it  here,  as  in  Congress,  as 
We  talk  of  the  North  ;  there  has  been  no  a  political  question,  a  question  for  statesmen 
North  !  /  think  the  North  star  w  at  last  discov-  to  act  upon.  We  must  so  regard  it.  I  cer- 
ered  ;  I  think  there  will  be  a  North,  but  up  to  tainly  do  not  mean  to  say  that  it  is  less  im- 
the  recent  session,  and  to  the  end  of  the  ses-  portant  in  a  moral  point  of  view,  that  it  is  not 
sion,  there  has  been  no  North  in  regard  to  more  important  in  many  other  points  of  view  ; 
political  questions,  in  regard  to  firm  adhesion  but  as  a  legislator,  or  in  any  official  capacity, 
to  what  might  be  considered  the  interests  of  I  must  look  at  it,  consider  it,  and  decide  it  as 
the  North  and  the  interests  of  patriots.  Pope  a  matter  of  political  action." 
say  :  "  On  other  occasions,  in  debates  here,  I  have 

<Ask  here's  the  North;  at  York,  'tis  on  the    expressed  my  determination   to   vote   for   no 
Tweed,  acquisition,  or  cession,  or  annexation,   North 

In  Scotland  at  the  Arcades,  and  there,  or   South,   East   or    West.     My    opinion   has 

At  Greenland,  Zembla.or  the  Lord  knows  where.'  keen  that  we  have  territory  enough,  and  that 
And  if  we  mean,  when  we  speak  of  the  North,  we  should  follow  the  Spartan  maxim,  'Im- 
a  portion  of  the  country  united  in  just  senti-  prove,  adorn  what  you  have,'  seek  no  further. 
ments,  firm,  strong  in  opinion  and  action  I  think  that  it  was  in  some  observations  that  I 
against  the  further  extension  of  slavery,  if  there  made  on  the  three-million  loan  bill,  that  I 
has  ever  been  such  a  North,  if  it  has  ever  ex-  avowed  this  sentiment.  In  short,  sir,  it  has  been 
isted  any  where,  it  has  existed  the  Lord  avowed,  quite  as  often,  in  as  many  places,  and 
knows  where.  I  do  not." 


67 


before  as  many  assemblies,  as  any  humble  opin 
ions  of  mine  ought  to  be  avowed.  *  *  *  * 

"  Sir,  wherever  there  is  a  substantive  good  to 
be  done,  wherever  there  is  a  foot  of  land  to  be 
prevented  from  becoming  slave  territory,  lam 
ready  to  assert  the  principle  of  the  exclusion  of 
slavery.  I  am  pledged  to  it  from  the  year 
1837;  I  have  been  pledged  to  it  again  and 
a^ain  ;  and  I  will  perform  those  pledges  ;  but  I 
will  not  do  a  thing  unnecessarily  that  wounds 
the  feelings  of  others,  or  that  does  discredit  to 
my  own  understanding. 

"  Now,  Mr.  President,  I  have  established,  so 
far  as  I  proposed  to  do,  the  proposition  -with 
•which  I  set  out,  and  uponwhich  I  intend  to  stand 
or  fall ;  and  that  is,  that  the  whole  territory  within 
the  former  United  Slates,  or  in  the  newly  ac 
quired  Mexican  provinces,  has  a  fixed  and  set 
tled  character,  now  fixed  and  settled  by  law  which 
cannot  be  repealed,  in  the  case  of  Texas,  with 
out  a  violation  of  public  faith,  and  by  no  hu 
man  power  in  regard  to  California  or  New 
Mexico;  that,  therefore,  under  one  or  other 
of  thesa  laws,  every  foot  of  land  in  the  States 
or  in  the  Territories  has  already  received  a 
fixed  and  decided  character."  *  *  *  * 

Extract  from  Mr.  Webster's  Speech  at  Buf 
falo,  May  »»,  1851. 

Now,  gentlemen,  that  is  the  plain  story  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  on  the 
question  of  slavery.  I  contend,  and  have  al 
ways  contended,  that  after  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution,  any  measure  of  the  government 
calculated  to  bring  more  Slave  Territory  into 
the  United  States  was  beyond  the  power  of 
the  Constitution,  and  against  its  provisions. 
That  is  my  opinion,  and  it  always  has  been 
my  opinion. 


The  "  Laws"  of  Kansas. 

EXTRACT   PROM    COLFAX'S    SPEECH,  ANALYZING 
THE  "LAAVS"  OF  KANSAS. 

Besides  these  seven  palpable,  flagrant  and 
unconcealed  violations  of  the  organic  law  or 
ganizing  the  Territory,  I  point  you  now  to 
five  equally  direct  and  open  violations  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States ;  for  that 
instrument  has  been  trampled  upon  as  reck 
lessly  as  the  laws  of  Congress. 

First.  The  very  first  amendment  to  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  prohibits  the 
passage  of  any  law  "  abridging  the  freedom  of 
speech  ; "  and  it  is  a  significant  fact,  as  can  be 
learned  from  Rickey's  Constitution,  page  33, 
that  this,  with  a  number  of  other  amendments 


to  the  Constitution  which  follow  it,  was  sub 
mitted  by  Congress  to  the  various  States  in 
1789,  immediately  after  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution  itself,  with  the  following  pream 
ble  : 

'  The  Conventions  of  a  number  of  States,  having 
at  the  time  of  their  adopting  the  Constitution,  ex 
pressed  a  desire,  in  order  to  prevent  misconstruction 
or  abuse  of  its  power,  that  further  declaratory  and 
restrictive  clauses  should  be  added" 

Therefore  the  amendments  that  followed 
were  proposed. 

Thus  it  is  conclusively  proven  that  the 
amendment,  prohibiting  any  abridgment  of 
the  freedom  of  speech,  was  adopted  to  prevent 
"  an  abuse  of  power,"  which  our  forefathers 
feared  might  be  attempted  by  some  degenerate 
descendants  at  some  later  period  of  our  his 
tory.  But,  though  they  thus  sought  to  pre 
serve  and  protect  free  speech,  by  constitutional 
provision,  their  prophetic  fears  have  been  real 
ized  by  the  enactors  of  the  Kansas  code.  Its 
one  hundred  and  fifty-first  chapter,  on  pages 
604  and  605,  is  entitled  "An  act  to  pun 
ish  offences  against  slave  property ;  "  and  there 
is  no  decree  of  Austrian  despot  or  Kussian 
Czar  which  is  not  merciful  in  comparison  with 
its  provisions.  Here,  sir,  in  the  very  teeth  of 
the  Constitution,  is  section  twelve  of  that 
chapter : 

"  If  any  free  person,  by  speaking  or  by  writing, 
assert  0)  maintain  that  persons  have  not  the  right  to 
hold  slaves  in  this  Territory,  or  shall  introduce  into 
this  Territory,  print,  publish,  write,  circulate,  or 
cause  to  be  introduced  into  this  Territory,  written, 
printed,  published  or  circulated  in  this  Territory, 
any  book,  paper,  magazine,  pamphlet  or  circular, 
containing  any  denial  of  the  right  of  persons  to  hold 
slaves  in  this  Territory,  such  persons  shall  be 
deemed  guilty  of  felony,  and  punished  by  impris 
onment  at  hard  labor  for  a  term  of  not  less  than  two 
years." 

How  many  more  than  two  years  he  shall  be 
punished  is  left  to  the  tender  mercy  of  Judge 
Lecompte  and  the  jury  which  "  Sheriff  Jones" 
will  select  for  their  trial.  The  President  of  the 
United  States  has  sworn  to  support  the  Con 
stitution  ;  but  this,  with  the  other  "  laws  of 
Kansas."  are  to  be  enforced  by  him,  despite 
that  Constitution,  with  the  army  of  the  United 
States ;  and  Mr.  Buchanan  is  pledged  by 
Judge  Douglas  to  "  the  firm  and  undivided  exe 
cution  of  those  laws."  But,  sir,  in  a  few  short 
months  the  people — the  free  people  of  the 
United  States — will  inaugurate  an  Administra 
tion  that  will  do  justice  to  the  oppressed  set 
tlers  of  Kansas — that  will  restore  to  them 
their  betrayed  rights,  will  vindicate  the  Con 
stitution,  and  will  place  in  the  offices  of  trust 


68 

of  that  ill-fated  Territory,  men  who  will  over-  except  in  cases  of  impeachment,  shall  be  by 
throw  the  "  usurpation,"  give  their  official  in-  jury."  But  to  prevent  "  abuse  of  power," 
fluence  to  Freedom  and  the  right  rather  than  this,  with  other  amendments,  was  adopted, 
to  Slavery  and  the  wrong,  and  protect  rather  declaring  that  the  trial  shall  be  by  an  impartial 
than  oppress  the  citizens  whom  they  are  called  jury.  I  have  already  shown  you  how  impar- 
upon  to  govern  and  to  judge.  tially  they  are  to  be  selected  by  sheriffs  who 

Second,  The  same  constitutional  amendment  go  about  and  imitate,  in  their  conduct  to  ward 
prohibits  the  passage  of  any  law  "  abridging  Free  State  men,  the  example  of  Saul  of 
the  freedom  of  the  press ;"  and  here,  sir,  in  Tarsus  in  his  persecution  of  tha  early  Chris- 
flagrant  violation  of  it,  is  the  llth  section  of  tians,  (Acts,  chapter  8,  verse  3,  "entering 
the  same  law  in  the  Kansas  code,  page  G05  :  into  every  house,  and  seizing  men  and  wo- 

"  If  any  person  print,  write,  introduce  into,  men,  committed  them  to  prison  ;")  and  I  have 
publish,  or  circulate,  or  cause  to  be  brought  quoted  you  a  section,  showing  you  how  impar- 
into,  printed,  written,  published  or  circulated,  or  tially  they  are  to  be  constituted  with  men  on 
shall  knowingly  aid  or  assist  in  bringing  into,  one  side  only  ;  but  in  this  very  chapter  the 
printing,  publishing,  or  circulating,  within  this  concluding  provision,  section  13  (page  606), 
Territory,  any  book,  paper, pamphlet,  magazine,  repeats  this  gross  violation  of  the  National 
handbill  or  circular,  containing  any  state-  Constitution,  as  follows: 

ments,  arguments,  opinions,  se/m'mer^,  doctrine,  "  No  person  who  is  conscientiously  opposed 
advice  or  inuendo,  calculated  to  produce  a  dis-  to  holding  slaves,  or  who  does  not  admit  the  right 
orderly,  dangerous,  or  rebellious  disaffection  to  hold  slaves  in  this  Territory,  shall  sit  as  a 
among  the  slaves  in  the  Territory,  or  to  induce  juror  on  the  trial  of  any  prosecution  for  any 
such  slaves  to  escape  from  the  service  of  their  violation  of  any  of  the  sections  of  this  act."  * 
masters  or  to  resist  their  authority,  he  shall  be  Here,  sir,  in  these  instances  which  I  have 
guilty  of  felony,  and  be  punished  by  imprison-  quoted,  stand  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
ment  and  hard  labor  for  a  term  not  less  than  States  on  the  one  side,  and  the  Kansas  code  on 
Jive  years"  the  other,  in  direct  and  open  conflict — the  one 

And,  under  this  atrociously  unconstitutional  declaring  that  the  freedom  of  speech  shall  not 
pro  vision,  a  man  who  "  brought  into"  the  Ter-  be  abridged,  that  the  freedom  of  the  press 
ritory  of  Kansas  a  copy  of  Jefferson's  Notes  on  shall  be  protected,  that  jurors,  above  all  things 
Virginia"  which  contains  an  eloquent  and  else,  shall  be  entirely  impartial;  the  other 
free-spoken  condemnation  of  Slavery,  could  trampling  all  these  safeguards  under  foot, 
be  convicted  by  one  of  "  Sheriff  Jones's  "  And  because  a  majority  of  the  settlers  there, 
juries  as  having  introduced  a  "  book  "  contain-  driven  from  the  polls  by  armed  mobs ;  legislated 
ing  a  "  sentiment "  "  calculated  "  to  make  the  over  by  a  mob  in  whose  election  they  had  no 
slaves  "  disorderly  "  and  sentenced  to  five  years'  agency,  choose  to  stand  by  and  maintain  their 
"  hard  labor"  Probably  under  this  provision,  rights  under  the  Constitution,  you  have  seen 
as  well  as  the  charge  of  high  treason,  Geo.  W.  how  anarchy  and  violence,  how  outrage  and 
Brown,  editor  of  The  Herald  of  Freedom  at  persecution  have  been  running  riot  in  that 
Lawrence,  has,  after  his  printing  press  has  Territory,  far  exceeding  in  their  tyranny  and 
been  destroyed  by  the  order  of  Judge  oppression  the  wrongs  for  which  our  revolution- 
Lecompte's  Court,  been  himself  indicted,  and  ary  forefathers  rose  against  the  masters  who  op- 
is  now  imprisoned,  awaiting  trial — kept,  too,  pressed  them  ;  and  yet,  though  the  protection 
under  such  strict  surveillance,  far  worse  than  they  have  had  from  the  General  Government, 
murderers  are  treated  in  a  civilized  country,  has  been  only  the  same  kind  of  protection 
that  even  his  mother  and  wife  were  not  allowed  which  the  wolf  gives  to  the  lamb,  they  have, 
to  visit  him  until  he  had  humbly  petitioned  the  while  repudiating  the  territory  of  the  Sheriffs, 
Governor  for  permission.  And  this  upon  the  bowed  in  submission  to  writs  in  the  hands  of  the 
soil  of  a  Territory  which  our  forefathers,  in  U.S.Marshal,or  when  the  soldiers  of  the  United 
1820,  in  this  very  Hall,  dedicated,  by  solemn  States,  yielding  to  orders  which  they  do  not 
compact,  to  "  Freedom  forever."  deem  it  dishonorable  for  them  to  despise, 

Third,  The  sixth  amendment  to  the  Consti-  assist  in  their  execution.  Such  forbearance — 
tution  of  the  United  States  declares  that,  "  In  such  manifestations  of  their  allegiance  to  the 
all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall  national  authority— become  the  more  wonder- 
enjoy  the  right  to  a  speedy  "  and  public  trial,  ful  when  it  is  apparent  as  the  noonday  sun  that 
by  an  impartial  jury."  It  is  significant  that,  every  attempt  has  been  made  to  harass  them 
in  the  Constitution  itself,  it  had  been  provided  into  resistance  to  the  authority  of  the  United 
(article  3,  section  2),  "'the  trial  of  all  crimes,  States,  so  as  to  furnish  a  pretext,  doubtless,  for 


69 

their  indiscriminate  imprisonment,  expulsion  has  been  that,  as  there  was  no  State   Prison 

or  massacre.  yet    erected  in    Kansas,   this    imprisonment 

Fourth,  The  Constitution  also  prohibits  cruel  would  be  in  some  Missouri  prisons  near  the 

and  unusual  punishments.    I  shall  show,  before  frontier.     But,  sir,  such  is  not  the  case.     The 

I  close,  that  this  so-called  Kansas  Legislature  authors  of  these  disgraceful  and  outrageous 

has  prescribed  most  cruel  and  unusual  punish-  enactments,    with  a  refinement  of    cruelty, 

ments,  unwarranted  by  the  character  of  the  provided  that  the  "  hard  labor  "  should  be  in 

offences  punished,  and  totally  disproportioned  another  way  ;  and  that  will  be  found  in  chap- 

to  their  criminality.  ter  22,  entitled  :  "  an  act  providing  a  system 

Fifth,  The  Constitution  declares  (article  1,  of  confinement  and  hard  labor,"  section  2  of 

section  9)  that  "the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  which  (page  147)  reads  as  follows: 
habeas  corpus  shall  "  not  be  suspended,  unless       .,  ^ 

when,  in  /cases  of  rebel!™  /invasion  the  $&JS2$V^T3S&%I% 

public  safety  may  require  it."     But  the  Kan-  force  within  this  Territory,  to  punishment  by  con- 

sas  code,  in  its  chapter  of  habeas  corpus  (ar-  finement  to  hard  labor,  shall  be  deemed  a  convict, 

tide    3,  section    8,   page    345,)    enacts  as  fol-  *nd  sha11,  immediately,  under  the  charge   of  the 

]ows  .  keeper  of  such  jail  or  public  prison,  or  under  the 

charge  of  such  person  as  the  keeper  of  such  jail 

"  No  negro  or  mulatto  held  as  a  slave  within  this  or  public  prison  may  select,  be  put  to  hard  labor, 

Territory,  or  lawfully  arrested  as  a  fugitive  from  as  *n  tne  first  section  of  this  act  specified,  to  wit  ; 

service  from  another  State  or  Territory,  shall  be  '  On  the  streets,  roads,  public  buildings,  or  other 

discharged,  nor  shall  his  right  of  freedom  be  had  public  works  of  the  Territory.'     [Sec.  1,  page  146.  j 

under  the  provisions  of  this  act."  And  such  keeper  or  other  person,  having   charge 

m.  .  of  such  convict,  shall  cause  such  convict  while  en- 

1  his  provision  suspending  the  writ  of  habeas  gaged  at  such  labor  to  be  securely  confined  by  A 

corpus  in  the  above  cases,  is  not  only  a  violation  CHAIN  six  FEET  IN  LENGTH,  of  not  less  thanfour- 

of  the   Constitution,  but  also  of  the  organic  *ixteenths  nor  more  than  three-eighths  of  an  inch 

law;  for  to  provided,in  sec.ion  28  forapgpeal,  ^'j^  %?§^^Z&£r%. 

to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  on  tached,  which  chain  shall  be  securely  fastened  to  THE 

writs  of  habeas  corpus,  in  cases  involving  the  ANKLE  of  such  convict  loith  a  strong  lock  and  key  ; 

right   of  freedom,  the  issuing   of  which  this  and  8UCQ  keeper  or  other  person  having  charge 

Territorial  law  expressly  prohibits.     The  Ian-  of  ,such    convict     may,    if    necessary     confine 
guage  of  the-Nebraska  KaLas  act  is  as  follows  : 


"  Except  also  that  a  writ  of  error  or  appeal  shall  tlon'  *?   as  to  keep  such  convict  secure  and  pre- 

also  be  allowed  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  vent  hls  escape  ;    and  when  there  shall  be  TWO  or 

States  from  the  decision  of  the  said  Supreme  Court,  nw™  ™™icts  under  the  charge  of  such  keeper,  or 

created  by  this  act,  or  of  any  judge  thereof,  or  of  other  Person,  such  convicts  shall  be  FASTENED  TO- 

the  District  Courts  created  by  this  act,  or  of  any  GETHER&T/  strong  chains  with  strong  'locks  and  keys, 

jud^e  thereof,  upon  any  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  in-  ?u"n,gu        -T  SUCu  convicts  shall  be  engaged  in 

volmng  the  question  of  personal  freedom."  hard  labor  without  the  walls  of  any  jail  or  prison." 

But  the  Kansas  Legislature  coolly  set  aside  And  this  penalty,  revolting,  humiliating, 

the  law  of  the  United  State?,  by  which  alone  debasing  at  it  is,  subjecting  a  free  American 

their  Territorial  organization  was  brought  citizen  to  the  public  sneers  and  contumely  of 

into  existence,  and  effectually  prohibited  any  hls  oppressors,  far  worse  than  within  the  prison 

appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court  "  upon  any  writ  walls  where  the  degradation  of  the  punish- 

of  habeas  corpus,  involving  the  question  ment  1S  relieved  by  its  privacy,  is  to  be  borne 

of  personal  freedom,"  by  declaring  that  the  from  two  to  five  long  years  by  the  men  of  In- 

writ  shall  not  be  used  in  the  Territory  for  any  diana  and  Ohio,  of  New  England  and  New 

such  purpose  !  York,  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  Far  West,  who 

Having  now  referred  to  a  few  of  the  many  da.re  in  Kansas  to  declare  by  speech  or  in 

acts  embraced  in  this  code,  which  conflict  with  Pnnt>  or  to  "Deduce  therein  a  handbill  or  pa- 

the  constitution  of  the  organic  law,  I  proceed  P_er»  ™cb  declares  that  "persons  have  not 

to  the  examination  of  other  provisions,  some  of  the  "J^  to  h°ld  slaves  m  tms  Territory." 


ch'm  and  •*     are  to  b3  attached  to  the 


which  stamp  it  as  a  code  of  barbarity,  as  well        *  c'lm  an    •*¥  are   o 

as  of  tyranny—  of  inhumanity  as  well  as  of  op-  ankle  of  each,  and  they  are  to  drag  out  their 

pression.     And  first  to  "  the  imprisonment  at  lonS  Penalty  for  exercising  their   God-given 

hard  labor,"  which  is  made  the  punishment  for  and     constitutionally-protected     freedom     of 

"offences  against  the  slave  property,"  in  the  speech  ,  manacled  together  in  couples,and  work- 

sections  wl.fchl  have  already   quoted.     The  mg,  m  the  public  gaze,  under  task-masters,  to 

general  understanding  of  the  people  at  large  wtjom  A1genne  slaveholders  would  be  prefer- 


70 


Sir,  as  this  is  one  of  the  laws  -which  the 
Democratic  party,  by  its  platform,  has  resolv 
ed  to  enforce,  and  which  the  President  of  the 
United  States  intends  to  execute,  if  needs  be, 
with  the  whole  armed  force  of  the  United 
States,  I  have  procured  a  specimen  of  the  size 
of  the  iron  ball  which  is  to  be  used  in  that 
Territory  under  this  enactment,  and  only  re 
gret  that  I  cannot  exhibit  also  the  iron  chain, 
six  feet  in  length,  which  is  to  be  dragged  with 
it,  through  the  hot  summer  months  and  the  cold 
winter  snows  by  the  Free  State  "  convicts  "in 
Kansas.  [Here  Mr.  C.  exhibited  a  large  and 
heavy  iron  ball,  six  inches  in  diameter,  and 
eighteen  inches  in  circumference.] 

Mr.  Chairman,  if  the  great  men  who  have 
passed  away  to  the  spirit-land  could  stir  them 
selves  in  their  graves,  and,  coming  back  to 
life  and  action,  should  utter  on  the  prairies  of 
Kansas  the  sentiments  decla  red  by  them  in 
the  past,  how  would  they  be  amazed  at  the 
penalties  that  would  await  them  on  every  side, 
for  the  utterance  of  their  houest  convictions 
on  Slavery.  Said  Washington  to  John  F. 
Mercer,  in  1786: 

"  I  never  mean,  unless  some  particular  cir 
cumstance  should  compel  me  to  it,  to  possess 
another  slave  by  purchase,  it  being  among 
my  first  wishes  to  see  some  plan  adopted  by  which 
Slavery  in  this  country  may  be  abolished  by 
law." 

Said  Jefferson  in  his  Notes  on  Virginia  : 

"  The  whole  commerce  between  master  and 
slave  is  a  continual  exercise  of  the  most  unre 
mitting  despotism  on  the  one  part,  and  degrad 
ing  submission  on  the  other."  *  * 
*  *  *  "  With  what  execration 
should  the  statesman  be  loaded,  who,  permit 
ting  one  half  of  the  citizens  thus  to  trample 
on  the  rights  of  the  other,  transforms  those  in 
to  despots,  and  these  into  enemies,  destroys  the 
morals  of  the  one  part,  and  the  amor  patrice,  of 
the  other  !  Can  the  liberties  of  a  nation  be 
thought  secure,  when  we  have  removed  their 
only  firm  basis  —  a  conviction  in  the  minds  of 
the  people  that  these  liberties  are  the  gift  of 
God  ?  that  they  are  not  violated  but  by  his 
wrath  ?  Indeed  I  tremble  for  my  country  when 
I  reflect  that  God  is  juit,  and  his  justice  can 
not  sleep  forever'' 

Surely  such  language,  in  the  eyes  of  a  Pro- 
Slavery  jury,  would  be  considered  as  "  calcu 
lated  "  to  render  slaves  "  disorderly."  And 
surely,  in  the  language  of  the  President  and 
his  party,  "  the  law  must  be  enforced."  Come, 
then,  "  Sheriff  Jones,"  with  your  chain  and 
ball  for  each  of  these  founders  of  the  Repub 
lic,  and  manacled  together  let  them,  as  they 


pursue  their  daily  work,  chant  praises  to  "  the 
great  principle  for  which  our  revolutionary  fa 
thers  fought,"  and  of  which  the  defenders  of 
the  Nebraska  bill  told  us  that  law  was  the  great 
embodiment. 

Said  Mr.  Webster  in  his  Marshfield  speech 
in  1848: 

"  I  feel  that  there  is  nothing  unjust,  nothing 
of  which  any  honest  man  can  complain,  if  he 
is  intelligent,  and  I  feel  that  there  is  nothing 
of  which  the  civilized  world,  if  they  take  no 
tice  of  so  humble  an  individual  as  myself, 
will  reproach  me,  when  I  say,  as  I  said  the 
other  day,  that  I  have  made  up  my  mind,  for 
one,  that  under  no  circumstances  will  I  con 
sent  to  the  extension  of  the  area  of  Slavery  in 
the  United  States,  or  to  the  further  increase 
of  Slave  representation  in  the  House  of  Re 
presentatives.  " 

And  again  in  1850  : 

"  Sir,  wherever  there  is  a  particular  good  to 
be  done  —  wherever  there  is  a  foot  of  land  to 
be  stayed  back  from  becoming  Slave  Territory 
—  I  am  ready  to  assert  the  principle  of  the 
exclusion  of  Slavery.  " 

Said  the  noble  old  statesman  of  Kentucky, 
Henry  Clay,  in  1850: 

"  I  have  said  that  I  never  could  vote  for  it 
myself;  and  I  repeat  that  I  never  can  and  nev 
er  will  vote,  and  no  earthly  power  ever  will 
make  me  vote,  to  spread  Slavery  over  Terri 
tory  where  it  does  not  exist. " 

Surely  this,  too,  conflicts  with  the  law  of 
Kansas.  Hurry  them,  Judge  Lecompte,  to  the 
chain-gang ;  and  as  they  commence  their  years 
of  disgraceful  and  degrading  punishment,  for 
get  not  to  read  them  from  the  Nebraska  bill 
that  "  its  true  intent  and  meaning  "  is  "  to 
leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  (not 
only  free,  but  perfectly  free)  to  form  and  reg 
ulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own 
way,  subject  only  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
Uuited  States. " 

There  is  another  portion  of  this  act  to 
which  I  wish  to  call  special  attention.  It  is 
the  succeeding  section  to  the  above  (sec.  3, 
page  147)  : 

"  "Whenever  any  convict  shall  be  employed  at  la 
bor  for  any  incorporate  town  or  city,  or  any  coun 
ty,  such  town,  city,  or  county,  shall  pay  in  to  the 
Territorial  treasury  the  sum  of  fifty  cents  for  each 
convict,  for  every  day  such  convict  shall  be  en 
gaged  at  such  labor  ;  and  whenever  such  convict 
shall  be  employed  upon  private  hiring  at  labor,  it 
shall  be  at  such  price  each,  per  day,  as  may  be 
agreed  upon  with  such  keeper  or  other  person  hav 
ing  charge  of  such  ;  and  the  proceeds  of  said  la 
bor  shall  be  collected  by  such  keeper  and  put  into 
the  Territorial  treasury." 


71 


Not   content   with  the    degradation  of  the  act  of  Congress  entitled  'An  act  respecting  fugitives 

chain-gang,  a  system  of  white  slavery  is  to  be  from  Justice,  and  persons  escaping  from  the  service 

introduced  by  "  private  hiring  :"  and  the  "  con-  their  masters>'  approved  February  12,  1793;  or  of 
victs,  "sentenced  for  the  exercise  of  the  free- 


. 

dom  of  speech  and  of  the  press,  are  to  be  viction  were  by  criminal  proceeding  or  by  civil  a  c- 
hired  out  during  their  servitude,  if  their  tion  for  the  recovery  of  any  penalty  prescribed  by 
"  keeper  "  sees  fit,  to  the  heartless  men  who  ?lther  of  said  acts>  in  any  of  the  Courts  of  the 
this  day  are  hunting  them  from  their  homes,  ^otnc^e^ 

and  burning  their  dwellings  over  their  heads,  tot  at  any  election  or  to  hold  any  office  in  this 
But  the  laws  are  to  be  executed  ;  "  and  Territory  :  And  provided  further,  That  if  any 
though  they  are  the  offspring  of  the  most  gigan-  person  offering  to  vote  shall  be  challenged  and  re- 
tic  fraud  ever  perpetrated  upon  a  free  people  ^uired,  to  take  an  oath  or  affirmation,  to  be  admin- 
if  thereis  no  change  in  the  policy  of  £^j  ^S^^j^^SX^ 
eminent,  and  if  the  party  which  controls  its  acts  of  Congress,  and  of  the  act  entitled,  •  An  act 
action  is  not  hurled  from  power,  we  shall  to  organize  the  Territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kan- 
doubtless  next  year  see  Governor  Robinson  sas'  '  aPP™ved  May  30,  1854,  and  shall  refuse  to 
(if  not  previously  executed  for  treason)  with  take  fcf}°ath°r  affirmation,  the  vote  of  such  per- 
the  iron  chain  and  ball  to  his  ankle,  hired  from  * 

the  convict-keeper  by  Governor  Shannon  to  Merely  being  an  "  inhabitant,"  if  the  per- 
do  his  menial  service;  or  to  be  punished,  if  he  son  ls  *n  favor  of  the  Nebraska  bill,  and  of 
disobeys  his  master's  orders,  like  a  Southern  tne  Fugitive  Slave  law,  qualifies  him  as  a  vo- 
slave.  And  Judge  Lecompte  would  have  the  *er  m  a^.  tne  elections  of  the  Territory  affect- 
privilege,  too,  and  would  doubtless  exercise  it,  i°g  national  and  territorial  politics.  The 
of  having  Judge  Wakefield  as  his  hired  serf,  widest  possible  door  is  opened  for  the  invaders 
dragging,  for  two  or  five  years  to  come,  his  *?  come  over  and  carry  each  successive  elec- 
chain  and  ball  after  him  as  he  entered  his  ti°n  as  u  inhabitants  "  for  the  time  being,  of 
master's  presence,  or  obeyed  his  master's  com-  t]16  Territory.  But  turn  to  page  750,  and  no- 
mand.  And  Marshal  Donaldson,  with  "  Sher-  ^ce  tne  following  provision  (section  8)  defin- 
iff  Jones  "  and  Stringfellow,  would  not  cer-  mo  tne  qualifications  of  voters  at  the  petty 
tainly  be  behind  their  superiors  in  the  retinue  corporation  elections  of  Lecompton  : 
of  Free  States  slaves  whom  they  could  satisfy  «  All  free  white  male  citizens  who  have  arrived 
their  revenge  upon  by  hiring  as  their  menials  to  the  full  age  of  twenty-one  years,  and  who  shall 
from  the  keeper  of  the  Kansas  convicts.  be  entitled  to  vote  for  Territorial  officers,  and  who 

*  *  *  #  %  shall  have  resided  within  the  city  limits  at  least  six 

The  whole  country  has  heard,  Sir,  of  the  3ftSK«XTO#JSrSSS 
section  in  the  election  law  which  allows  "  in-  according  to  ordinance,  shall  be  eligible  to  vote  at 
habitants"  to  vote  at  the  general  election,  any  ward  or  city  election  for  officers  of  the  city." 
without  requiring  them  to  have  resided  in  the  Belng  an  inhabitant  a  day  clothes  a  person 
Territory  a  single  day;  and  of  the  test  oaths  with  th°e  ri  ht  to  vote  for  Delegate  in  Con- 
to  sustain  the  Fugitive  Slave  law  and  the  Ne-  esg  and  Representatives  in  the  Legislature  ; 
braska  bill,  which  are  intended  to  shut  out  all  gut  to  vote  £  an  ins;gnificant  election,  in 
men  opposed  to  both  from  the  ballot-box,  comparison,  six  months  residence  is  required  ! 
And  I  will  quote  it  from  page  282,  because  I  Am  i  wrong  in  judging  that  this  inverting  the 
desire  to  contrast  its  provisions  with  another.  usual  rule  showJ8  that  Missourians  are  want- 

"  SEC.  11.      Every  free  white  male  citizen  of  th«  ed   at   one    election,   but   not   at  the  other? 

United  States,  and  every  free  male  Indian  who  is  If  any  one  deems  this  opinion  unjust,  let  him 

made  a  citizen  by  treaty  or  otherwise,  and  over  the  study  the   following    sections  of  the  General 

age  of  twenty-one  years,  who  shall  be  an  inhabitant  Election  Law,  pa»e  283  : 
of  this  Territory,  and  of  the  county  or  district  in 

which  he  offers  to  vote,  and  shall  have  paid  a  Terri-  "  SEC.  19.    Whenever  any  person  shall  offer  to 

torial  tax,  shall  be  a  qualified  elector  for  all  elective  vote,  he  shall  BE  PRESUMED  to  be  entitled  to  vote.  " 

officers:  and  all  Indians  who  are  inhabitants  of  this  _"  SEC.  20.     Whenever  any  person  offers  to  vote, 

Territory,  and  who  may  have  adopted  the  customs  his  vote  may  be  challenged  by  one  of  the  judges, 

of  the  white  man,  and  who  are  liable  to  pay  taxes,  or  by  any  voter,  and  the  judges   of  the   election 

shall  be  deemed  citizens  :     Provided,  That  no  sol-  may  examine  him  touching  his  right  to  vote  ;  and 

dier,  seaman,  or  marine  in  the  regular  Army  or  if  so  examined,   NO    EVIDENCE    TO    CONTRADICT 

Navy  of  the  United  States,   shall  be   entitled  to  SHALL  BE  RECEIVED." 

J^'^'ffi^p^wWl  d»       Certainly  these  provisions  explain   them- 

been  convicted  of  any  violation  of  any  provision  of  an  selves,  without  comment. 


I  will  now  invite  your  attention  to  a  con-  be,  under  this  law,  hurried  away  to  the  chain- 

trast  in  the  penal  code  of  this  Territory,  sin-  gang,  and  manacled,  arm  to  arm,  with  the 

gular  in  its  character,  to  say  the  very  least,  murderous  prisoner. 

Section   five   of  the   act   punishing    offences  On  page  210,  the  kidnapping  and  confine- 

against  slave  property,  page  604,  enacts  as  fol-  ment  of  a  free  white  person,  for  any  purpose, 

lows  :  even — if  a  man,  to  sell  him  into  Slavery,  or  if 

« If  any  person  shall  aid  or  assist  in  enticing,  a  W?man'4[°r  f  sti11  *?aser  Purpose -is  to  be 
decoying,  or  persuading,  or  carrying  away,  or  send-  punished  "  not  exceeding  ten  years."  Decoy 
ing  out  of  this  territory,  any  slave  belonging  to  ing  and  enticing  away  a  child  under  twelve 
another,  with  intent  to  procure  or  effect  the  free-  years  of  a<re,  from  its  parents,  not  less  than 
dom  of  such  slave  or  with  intent  to  deprive  the  gix  months  and  not  exceeeding  five  years." 
owner  thereof  of  the  services  of  such  slave,  he  -Q  ,  ,  .  ,  ..  .  /  i  Ar 
shall  be  adjudged  guilty  of  grand  larency,  and  ?u!  decoying  and,  enticing  away  (mark  the 
on  convtetion  thereof  SHALL  SUFFER  DEATH,  or  similarity  of  the  language)  a  slave  from  his 
be  imprisoned  at  hard  labor  for  not  less  than  ten  master,  is  punished  by  death,  or  confinement 
years."  not  less  than  ten  years.  Here  is  the  section, 

A  person  who,  by  a  Pro-Slavery  packed  page  604  : 

jury,  is  convicted  of  aiding  in  persuading  out  "SEC.  4.  If  any  person  shall  entice,  decoy,  or 
of  the  Territory  a  slave  belonging  to  another,  carrY  awaT  out  of  this  Territory,  any  slave  belong- 
is  ,o  .offer  at  least  tvice  as  s^re  a  penalty  as  j^^^^L tt**.*Sfffc 
he  who  is  convicted  of  committing  the  vilest  tent  to  effect  or  procure  the  freedom  of  such  slave, 
outrage  that  the  mind  of  man  can  conceive  of  he  shall  be  adjudged  guilty  of  grand  larceny,  and, 
on  the  person  of  your  wife,  sister,  or  daugh-  on  conviction  thereof,  shall  suffer  DEATH,  or  be  in 
ter  !  Nay,  the  contrast  is  still  stronger.  The  *****  at  ^^  ^orfor  not  &*•  than  ten  years." 
jury,  in  the  first  instance,  are  authorized  even  I  had  hoped  to  find  time  to  cite  and  corn- 
to  inflict  the  punishment  of  death — in  the  lat-  ment  upon  other  sections  in  this  code,  but  I 
ter,  see  page  208,  the  penalty  is  "  not  less  will  quote  but  one  more,  showing  that,  while 
than  five  years."  Such  is  the  contrast  in  a  while  man  is  compelled  to  serve  out  the 
Kansas  between  the  protection  of  a  wife's  or  penalty  of  his  crime  at  hard  labor,  these  slave- 
daughter's  honor  or  happiness,  and  that  which  holding  legislators  have,  in  their  great  regard 
is  thrown  as  a  protecting  aegis  over  the  pro-  for  the  value  of  the  slave's  labor  to  his  master, 
perty  of  the  slaveholder  1  enacted  that  a  slave,  for  the  same  offence,  shall 

Again,  on  page  208,  you  will  find  that  the  be  whipped,  and  then  returned  to  him.  Here  is 
ruffian  who  commits  malicious  mayhem — that  the  section  which  I  commend  to  the  considera- 
is,  without  provocation  knocks  you  down  on  tion  of  those  who,  while  defending  these  laws, 
the  street,  cuts  off  your  nose  and  ears,  and  nickname  the  Republicans  "  nigger  worship- 
plucks  out  your  eyes — is  punished  "  not  less  pers."  It  is  found  on  page  252  : 
than  five  nor  more  than  ten  years  ;''  the^  same  „  SEC  2y  If  any  slave  shall  commit  tit  lar. 
degree  of  punishment  that  is  meted  out  in  sec-  ceny,  or  shall  steal  any  neat  cattle,  sheep  or  hog,  or 
tion  7  of  the  above  act,  page  605,  on  a  person  be  guilty  of  any  misdemeanor,  or  other  offence  pun- 
who  should  aid  or  assist,  or  even  "  harbor,"  an  ishable  under  the  provisions  of  this  act  only  by  fine 
PQpanpd  slavp  '  or  imprisonment  in  a  county  jail,  or  by  both  such  fine 
\:'  .,,  ~  ,  ,,  ,  .,  and  imprisonment,  he  shall,  instead  uf  such  punish- 

On  page  209   you   will  find  that  the  man  mmi>,  be  punished,  if  a  male,  by  stripes  on  his  bare 

who  sits  at  your  bedside,  when  you  are  pros-  back,  not  exceeding  thirty-nine,  or  if  a  female,  by 
trated  by   disease,   and,  taking  advantage   of  imprisonment  in  a  county  jail    not    exceeding 

your  confidence  and  helplessness,  administers  twenty-one  days,   or  by  stripes    not    exceeding 

'  Jofeontoyou;  but,  whereby  death  does  not  twenty-one,  at  the  discretion  of  the  justice." 

happen  to  ensue,  is  to  be  punished  "  not  less  Such,  sir,  is  an  impartial  analysis  of  the 

than  five  nor  more  than  ten  years,"  though  it  code  of  Kansas,  every  allusion  to  which  has 

is  murder  in  the  heart,  if  not  the  deed.     And  been  proven  by  extracts  from  the  official  copy 

this  is  precisely  the  same  penalty  as  that  pre-  now  in  my  hand,  and  in  quoting  which  I  have 

scribed  by  the  llth  section  (quoted  in  my  re-  referred,  in  every  instance,  to  the  page,  the 

marks  above,  on  the  five   violations  of  the  number  of  the  section,  and  its  exact  words ; 

Constitution)  against  one  who  but  brings  into  and  I  think  that  the  strong  language  at  the 

the  Territory  any  book,  paper,  or  hand-bill,  outset  of  my  remarks,  in  which  I  denounced 

containing  any  "  sentiment  "  "  calculated,"  in  this  disgraceful  and  tyrannical  code,  has  been 

the  eyes  of  a  Pro-Slavery  Jury,  to  make  slaves  fully  justified  by  the  proofs  I  have  laid  before 

"  disorderly."     The  man  who  takes  into  the  you  from  its  pages.     Let  it  not  be  forgotten, 

Territory  Jefferson's  Notes  on  Virginia,  can  Mr.  Chairman,  that  it  is  because  the  people  of 


73 


Kansas — an  overwhelming  majority  of  the 
actual  settlers  there — refuse  to  obey  these  en 
actments  passed  by  a  body  of  men  elected  by 
armed  mobs  of  invaders,  that  they  have  been 
delivered  over  to  persecutions  without  parallel 
and  to  all  the  horrors  of  civil  war. 

Had  I  time,  I  would  desire  to  refer  to  the 
history  of  events  in  that  Territory ;  to  the 
reckless  and  ruthless  violation  of  plighted  faith 
in  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
which  opened  the  door  for  legislation  like  this  ; 
to  the  entire  absence  of  any  protection  by  the 
President  to, the  settlers  against  personal  out 
rage  ;  to  the  repeated  invasions  by  which  the 
whole  machinery  of  legislation  was  usurped, 
but  the  fruits  of  which  the  President  upholds 
by  cannon  and  bayonet,  with  proclamations  and 
penalties  ;  to  the  causes  which  led  to  the  civil 
war  that  has  existed  in  that  Territory  ;  to  that 
most  aggravating  of  all  insults  by  which  the 
very  Jones  who  headed  an  invading  party  of 
Missourians  at  one  of  the  polls,  and  with  his 
revolver  at  the  breast  of  an  election  Judge, 
gave  him  five  minutes  to  resign  or  die,  was 
commissioned  as  a  Sheriff  to  ride  booted  and 
spurred  over  the  people  whose  rights  he  had 
thus  assisted  in  striking  down ;  and  many  other 
things  that  make  the  blood  of  the  great  mass 
of  freemen  at  the  North  course  as  it  never 
before  coursed  through  their  veins.  But  I 
must  allude,  before  concluding,  to  the  mockery 
of  relief  held  out  to  the  people  by  the  Pres 
ident  and  his  coadjutors. 

In  his  special  message  to  Congress,  on  the 
26th  of  January  last,  the  President  thus  spoke  : 

"  Our  system  affords  no  justification  of  revolu 
tionary  acts ;  for  the  constitutional  means  of  re 
lieving  the  people  of  unjust  administrations  and 
laws,  by  a  change  of  public  agents  and  by  repeal, 

ARE  AMPLE." 

And  in  his  speech,  as  reported  in  The  Union 
of  June  10,  made  to  the  Buchanan  ratification 
meeting,  who  marched  to  the  White  House, 
he  coolly  told  them  : 

"  There  will  be,  on  your  part,  no  appeal  to  un 
worthy  passions,  no  inflammatory  calls  for  a  sec 
ond  revolution,  like  those  which  are  occasionally 
reported  as  coming  from  men  who  have  received  no 
thing  at  the  hands  of  their  Government  but  protec 
tion  and  political  blessings,  no  declaration  of  resist 
ance  to  the  laws  of  the  land." 

But  I  will  not  stop  to  allude  to  the  "  protec 
tion  and  political  blessings  "  which  the  people 
of  Kansas  have  received  from  the  "  hands  ^of 
their  Government."  It  was  bitter  irony  in 
deed. 

Judge  Douglas,  too,  at  the  same  meeting, 
speaking  of  the  Kansas  laws,  declared  as  fol 
lows  : 


"  Or,  if  they  desire  to  have  any  of  the  laws  re 
pealed,  let  them  try  to  carry  their  point  at  the  polls, 
and  let  the  majority  decide  the  question." 

Never,  sir,  was  there  was  a  more  signal  in 
stance  of  "  holding  the  word  of  promise  to  the 
ear  and  breaking  it  to  the  hope."  Where  are 
the  "  ample  "  means  of  obtaining  relief  from 
the  unendurable  tyranny  that  grinds  down  the 
Free-State  men  of  Kansas  into  the  dust  ? 
How  can  they  "carry  their  point  at  the 
polls  ?"  Let  facts  answer  : 

I.  The  council  which  passed  these  laws  has 
extended  its  term  of  service  till  1858  ;  so  that, 
if  the  entire  representative  branch  was  unan 
imous  for  their    repeal,  the    higher    branch 
has  the  power  to  prevent  the  slightest  change 
in  them  for  two  long  years  ! 

II.  The  Free-State  men  in  Kansas  are  ab 
solutely  shut  out  from  the  polls  by  test-oaths, 
which  no  one  with  the  soul  of  a  freeman,  who 
traces  all  the  outrages  there  directly  to  the  en 
actment  of  the  Nebraska  bill,  can  conscien 
tiously  swear  to. 

III.  Even  if  they  do  go  there,  and  swear  to 
sustain  the  Nebraska  bill  and  the   Fugitive 
Slave   Law,  the  election  law  is    purposely 
framed,  as  I  have  shown,  to  invite  invasions  of 
Missourians,  to  control  the  elections  in  favor 
of  slavery. 

IV.  They  are  driven  from  the  jury-box  as 
well  as  disfranchised,  and  prohibited  from  act 
ing  as  attorneys  in  the  courts,  unless  they  take 
the  test-oath  prescribed  by  their  conquerors. 

V.  Free  speech  is  not  tolerated.     They  are 
left  "  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their 
domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,"  except, 
if  they  speak  a  word  against  slavery,  they  are 
convicted  of  felony  and  hurried  to  the  chain- 
gang. 

VI.  The  presses  in  the  Territory,  at  Leaven- 
worth  and  Lawrence,  in  favor  of  Freedom, 
have  been  destroyed,  and  the  two  last  by  the 
authority   of  the   court   of  Judge  Lecompte, 
thus  "  crushing  out "  the  freedom  of  the  press. 

VII.  Indictments  are    found    b.y    packed 
juries  against   every  prominent    Free-State 
citizen  ;  and  those  who  are  not  forced  to  flee 
from  the  Territory  are  arrested  and  imprison 
ed  ;  while  those  who  have  stolen  from  Free- 
State  men,  tarred  and  feathered  them,  burned 
their  houses,  or  murdered  them,  go  at  large 
unpunished. 

In  such  a  state  of  affairs  as  this,  to  talk  of 
going  to  the  polls  and  having  the  laws  repealed 
is  worse  than  a  mockery.  It  is  an  insult.  It 
is  like  binding  a  man  hand  and  foot,  throwing 
him  into  the  river,  and  telling  him  to  swim  on 
shore  and  he  will  be  saved.  It  is  like  loading 


74 

a  man  with  irons,  and  then  telling  him  to  run        EXTRACTS    RELATIVE  TO    TH 
for  his  life.  The  only  relief  possible,  if  Kansas  BROOKS  OUTRAGE. 

is  not  promptly  admitted  as  a  State,  which  I 

hope  may  be  effected,  is  in  a  change  of  the   EXTRACT  PROM  BROOKS'  FAREWELL   SPEECH  IN 
Administration  and  of  the  party  that  so  reck-       THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 
lessly  misrules  the  land  ;   and  that  will  furnish       Mr.  Brooks,    (resuming).  —  If  I   desired  to 
an  effectual  relief.  kill  the  Senator,  why  did°not  I  do  it?     You 

all  admit  that  I  had  him  in  my  r  ower.     Let 
me  tell  the  member  from  New  Jersey  that  it 

Let  every  one  remember  that  the  result  of  was  expressly  to  avoid  taking  life  that  I  used 
the  present  struggle  is  to  settle  the  policy  of  an  ordinary  cane,  presented  to  me  by  a  friend 
our  Government  on  the  slavery  question,  and  in  Baltimore,  nearly  three  months  before  its 
to  fix  the  character  of  our  Territory/™  Mis-  $**%££  %?±?  S^ 
souri  to  the  Pacific.  A  vote  for  Buchanan  is  erately—  as  I  am  charged  —  and  this  is  admit- 
a  vote  for  slavery  extension.  A  vote  for  Fre-  ted  —  and  speculated  somewhat  as  to  whether 
mont  is  a  vote  for  slavery  restriction.  I  should  employ  a  horsewhip  or  a  cowhide  ; 

See  what  Col.  Buford,  the  ruffian  from  Ala-  !>ut  knowing  ^atthe  Senator  was  my  superior 

in  strength,  it  occurred  to  me  that  he  might 
bama,  says  of  the  Kansas  struggle  :  wrest  it  from  my  hand?  and  then—  for  I  never 


From  the  Boston  Journal.  anything  I  do  not  perform-!  might 

have  been  compelled  to  do  that  which  I  would 

The  Charleston  (S.  C.)  Mercury  publishes  a   have  regretted  the  balance  of  my  natural  life. 
stirring  appeal  to  the  South  from  Col.  Buford,    (A  voice)  —  "  He  would  have  killed  him." 
of  Alabama,  for  funds  to  enable  him  to  carry 

more  pro-slavery  emigrants  to  Kansas,  «  that  Here  Brooks  s  cowardice  is  openly  avowed. 
indispensable  breakwater  to  the  angry  tide  of  He  used  a  cane  so  that  he  might  disable  Sumner 
abolitionism."  He  says  :  and  prevent  him  from  resisting.  And  still 

"Consider    that    if   Kansas,  our   natural  farther  he  distinctly  confesses  that  if  Sumner 
boundary  to  the  Northwest,  is  lost,  that  then   ,     ,       .      ,  ,  ,  ,  ,         ,  .„    ,  ,  .         r™  • 

Missouri  and  all  west  of  the  Mississippi-nay,  had  resisted'  he  would  have  kllled  him"  Thls 
too,  all  east  of  it  —  must  soon  follow  ;  while,  if  is  the  natural  construction  of  his  words  and  it 
we  maintain  it,  the  Territories  west  of  Arkan-  was  that  made,  as  it  appears,  from  "  the  voice'' 
sas  and  Texas  are  safe  to  us  —  nay,  the  future  at  the  time. 

is  safe.     Ask  yourselves  whether  you  are  pre-         ,    j      ,  ,1  -n  c  ^  •        cd       •<, 

pared  to  surrender  white  supremacy  in  the       And  ^  the  cowardlr  act  of  this  ruffian  'S 
South,  to  debase  your  blood,  to  degrade  your  approved  all  over  the  South. 
social  and  political   status  to  the  level  of  an 

inferior    race,     by     Submitting    to    Abolition's  From  the  New  Bedford  Mercury. 

mandate  to  fraternize  with  it.     Remember  that  The  Outra»e  Approved. 

I,  and  all  who  know  the  country,  will  tell  you  The  fact  that  a  Senator  of  the  United  States 
that  slaves  thrive  and  do  well  in  Kansas,  and  has  been  stricken  down  and  beaten  to  death 
that  there,  and  in  western  Missouri,  their  in  the  Senate  chamber  for  words  spoken  in 
labor  pays  better  than  in  any  cotton  State  in  debate  —  words  which  no  man  doubts  to  have 
the  Union.  Reflect  that  we  have  everything  been  a  faithful  and  forcible  expression  of  his 
to  encourage  us  in  the  struggle  —  we  still  con-  earnest  convictions,  on  a  question  of  the 
trol  the  government  of  the  Territory,  our  greatest  national  interest  —  sinks  into  utter  in- 
immigration  is  daily  increasing,  while  that  significance  in  view  of  the  still  graver  fact  that 
from  the  North  has  greatly  diminished."  the  outrage  was  as  purely  representative  in  its 

The  Major  is  very  urgent  in  his  demands  character  as  was  the  argument  to  which  it  re- 
for  money  to  take  out  a  colony  of  one  hun-  plied.  Mr.  Sumner's  eloquent  speech  faith- 
dred  men.  He  betrays  his  disappointment  in  fully  set  forth  that  view  of  the  wrongs  and 
regard  to  his  first  company  by  the  remark  —  opressions  of  Free  Kansas  by  her  ruffian  in- 
<;  I  want  only  men  who,  as  long  as  required,  vaders,  which  is  cherished  by  the  great  mass 
will  abstain  from  liquor  and  will  implicitly  of  the  humane,  conscientious  and  enlightened 
obey  orders."  Wonder  if  his  men  read  the  citizens  of  the  Free  States  ;  Mr.  Brooks's  as- 
Bibles  that  were  given  them  with  such  a  flour-  sault  was  the  only  effective  reply  that  could 
ish  of  trumpets.  be  made  to  it,  and  was  just  such  an  answer  as, 


75 


in  the  opinion  of  the  slave-driving  aristocracy, 
which  governs  the  South,  (and  just  at  present 
the  Union,)  the  speech  required  and  deserved. 
The  principles  of  the  contending  hosts  which 
now  divide  Congress  and  the  Nation  were  ad 
mirably  set  forth  in  the  speech  and  the  replv. 
And  the  foremost  journal  of  the  South — The 
Richmond  Enquirer — in  its  leading  article  of 
yesterday,  thus  clearly  sets  forth  the  slave- 
driving  view  of  the  whole  transaction  : 

"  THE  SUMNER  DISCIPLINE — THE  NEED 
FUL  REMEDY. — A  few  Southern  journals, 
affecting  an  exclusive  refinement  of  feeling  or 
regard  for  the  proprieties  of  official  inter 
course,  unite  with  the  Abolition  papers  in 
condemning  the  chastisement  inflicted  upon 
Sumner  by  the  Hon.  P.  S.  Brooks.  We  have 
no  patience  with  these  mealy-mouthed  phari- 
sees  of  the  Press.  Why  not  speak  out  and 
declare  at  once  that  you  are  shocked  by  the 
brutality  of  a  '  slave-holding  ruffian  ? '  It  is 
much  more  manly  to  adopt  the  violent  vocab 
ulary  of  THE  TRIBUNE,  than  to  insinuate 
disapprobation  in  the  meek  accents  of  a  con 
science-smitten  saint. 

In  the  main,  the  press  of  the  South  applaud 
the  conduct  of  Mr.  Brooks,  without  condition 
or  limitation.  Our  approbation  at  least  is 
entire  and  unreserved.  We  consider  the  act 
good  in  conception,  better  in  execution,  and 
best  of  all  in  consequence.  These  vulgar 
Abolitionists  in  the  Senate  are  getting  above 
themselves.  They  have  been  humored  until 
they  forget  their  position.  They  have  grown 
saucy,  and  dare  to  be  impudent  to  gentlemen ! 
Now",  they  are  a  low,  mean,  scurvy  set,  with 
some  little  book-learning,  but  as  utterly  de 
void  of  spirit  or  honor  as  a  pack  of  curs.  In 
trenched  behind  "  privilege,"  they  fancy  they 
can  slander  the  South  and  insult  its  Repre 
sentatives  with  impunity.  The  truth  is,  they 
have  been  suffered  to  run  too  long  without 
collars.  They  must  be  lashed  into  submission. 
Sumner,  in  particular,  ought  to  have  nine- 
and-thirty  early  every  morning.  He  is  a  great 
strapping  fellow,  and  could  stand  the  cowhide 
beautifully.  Brooks  frightened  him,  and  at 
the  first  blow  of  the  cane,  he  bellowed  like  a 
bull-calf.  There  is  the  blackguard  Wilson,  an 
ignorant  Natick  cobbler,  swaggering  in  ex 
cess  of  muscle,  and  absolutely  dying  for  a 
beating.  Will  not  somebody  take  him  in  hand  ? 
Hale  is  another  huge,  red  face,  sweating 
scoundrel,  whom  some  gentleman  should  kick 
and  cuff  until  he  abates  something  of  his  im 
pudent  talk.  These  men  are  perpetually 
abusina  the  people  and  representatives  of  the 
South,1for  tyrants,  robbers,  ruffians,  adulterers, 


and  what  not.  Shall  we  stand  it  ?  Can  gen 
tlemen  sit  still  in  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives,  under  an  incessant  stream  of 
denunciation  from  wretches  who  avail  them 
selves  of  the  privilege  of  place,  to  indulge  their 
devilish  passions  with  impunity  ?  In  the  ab 
sence  of  an  adequate  law,  Southern  gentlemen 
must  protect  their  own  honor  and  feelings.  It 
is  an  idle  mockery  to  challenge  one  of  these 
scullions.  It  is  equally  useless  to  attempt  to 
disgrace  them.  They  are  insensible  to  shame  ; 
and  can  be  brought  to  reason  only  by  an  ap 
plication  of  cowhide  or  gutta  percha.  Let 
them  once  understand  that  for  every  vile  word 
spoken  against  the  South,  they  will  suffer  so 
many  stripes,  and  they  will  soon  learn  to  be 
have  themselves,  like  decent  dogs  —  they  can 
never  be  gentlemen.  Mr.  Brooks  has  initiated 
this  salutary  discipline,  and  he  deserves  ap 
plause  for  the  bold,  judicious  manner  in  which 
he  chastised  the  scamp  Sumner.  It  was  a 
proper  act,  dorie  at  the  proper  time,  and  in 
the  proper  place.  Of  all  places  on  earth  the 
Senate  chambor,  the  theatre  of  his  vitupera 
tive  exploits,  was  the  very  spot  where  Sumner 
should  have  been  made  to  suffer  for  his  viola 
tion  of  the  decencies  of  decorous  debate,  and 
for  his  brutal  denunciations  of  a  venerable 
Statesman.  It  was  literally  and  entirely  proper 
that  he  should  be  stricken  down  and  beaten 
just  beside  the  desk  against  which  he  leaned 
when  he  fulminated  his  filthy  utterance  through 
the  Capitol.  It  is  idle  to  talk  of  the  sanctity 
of  the  Senate  chamber,  since  it  is  polluted  by 
the  presence  of  such  fellows  as  Wilson,  and 
Sumner,  and  Wade.  They  have  desecrated 
it,  and  cannot  now  fly  to  it  as  to  a  sanctuary 
from  the  lash  of  vengeance. 

"We  trust  other  gentlemen  will  follow  the 
example  of  Mr.  Brooks,  that  so  a  curb  may  be 
imposed  upon  the  truculence  and  audacity  of 
Abolition  speakers.  If  need  be,  let  us  have  a 
caning  or  cowhiding  every  day.  If  the  worse 
come  to  the  worse,  so  much  the  sooner,  so 
much  the  better." 


Mr.   Buchanan's    Opinion   of  the    Sumner 
Assault. 

The  annual  Commencement  of  the  Franklin 
and  Marshall  College,  at  Lancaster,  Pa.,  took 
place  last  Wednesday.  Mr.  Buchanan,  as  Pres 
ident  of  the  Board  of  Trustees,  was  present 
on  the  occasion.  Among  the  exercises  of  the 
day  was  an  oration  by  W.  W.  Davis  of  Ster 
ling,  111.  The  subject  was,  the  "  Decline  of 


76 

Political  Integrity,"  and  the  speaker  took  occa-  The  invasion  of  Kansas,  and  the  taking  the 
sion  to  condemn  in  strong  terms  the  assault  on  ballot-boxes  by  storm,  by  a  mob  of  slaveholders, 
Mr.  Sumner.  The  letter  "from  which  we  quote,  the  third  ; 

in  the  New  York  Tribune,  says  :  The  encouragement  of  this  sacrilegious/aray 

,,    T^     .,,.,,,.          L.  -,       ,-  nA    against  the  right  of  free  suffrage,  and  the  ul- 

Mr  Davis  finished  his  oration  and  retired  tfmate  support  of  it  by  the  NatTonal  Executive 
from  the  front  of  the  stage  amid  thunders  of  and  m{[[™  th/fourth 

applause,  and  showers  of  bouquets  from  his  lady 

friends.  For  him  it  was  truly  a  triumph.  But  The  hostile  irruption  of  two  members  of 
on  retiring  to  his  seat,  next  to  that  of  Mr.  Congress,  into  the  Senate  chamber  of  the 
Buchanan,  did  he  receive  congratulation  of  United  States,  openly  armed  with  deadly 
the  Sage  of  Wheatland  ?  No,  no.  Mr.  bludgeons,  and  probably  secretly,  according  to 
Buchanan  said  to  him,  loud  enough  that  the  the  habits  of  their  breed,  with  bowie  knives 
whole  class  could  hear :  "  My  young  friend,  and  revolvers,  and  there  prostrating  on  the 
you  look  upon  the  dark  side  of  the  picture.  Mr.  floor  with  their  bludgeons  a  Senator  of  the 
Sumner's  speech  was  the  most  vulgar  tirade  of  United  States,  sitting  peaceably  in  his  seat, 
abuse  ever  delivered  in  a  deliberative  body."  To  unconscious  of  danger,  and  from  his  position 
which  the  young  orator  replied  that  he  "  hoped  incapable  of  defence,  inflicting  upon  him  blows, 
Mr.  Buchanan  did  not  approve  of  the  attacks  until  he  sunk  senseless  under  them,  and  which, 
upon  Mr.  Sumner  by  Brooks  and  others."  To  if  they  do  not  prove  mortal,  it  was  not  for 
which  Mr.  Buchanan  rejoined  that  "  Mr.  want  of  malignant  intent  in  the  cowardly  as- 
Brooks  ivas  inconsiderate,  but  that  Senator  sassins — and  all  this  for  words  publicly  spoken 
Butler  was  a  very  mild  man"  Mr.  Davis  ex-  in  the  Senate,  in  the  course  of  debate,  allowed 
pressed  his  regret  at  the  moderation  of  Mr.  by  its  presiding  officer  to  be  spoken,  and  ex- 
Buchauan's  views,  and  dropped  the  conversa-  ceeding  not  one  hair's  breadth  any  line  of  truth 
tion.  or  duty.  This  is  the  fifth  and  the  climax  of 

this  series  of  outrages,  unparalleled,  nefarious, 

and  brutal. 
In  contrast  with  this  miserable  language  of 

A  A  A       •  A  £ 

apology  uttered  by  the  Democratic   candidate, 

see  the  noble  spirit  that  breathes  in  the  fol-  jn  mv  opinion,  it  is  time  to  speak  on  the 

lowing  letter  from  the    venerable    Quincy.  house-top,  what  every  man  who  is  worthy  of 

Which  best  represents  the  spirit  of  our  North-  the  name  of  freeman  utters  in  his  chamber 

,.              «  and  feels  in  his  heart.     J3y  a  series  of  corrup 
tion,  intrigue  and  cunning,  bribing  the  high 

T*<TT™  mr  TTOM    Tn^TATT  nnmrv  by  appointments  of  State,  the  low  by  the  hope 

.ON.  JOSIAH  QUINCY.  ~£  emoluments ;  playing  between  the  parties 

E.  R.  Hoar,  Esq., — Sir  :  I  have  received  Of  the  Free  States,  and  counteracting  one  by 

your  letter,  inviting  me  to  attend  the  Unitarian  the  other  ;  by  flattering  the  vain,  paying  the 

Festival,  and  expressing  the  gratification  it  mean,  and   rewarding    the   subservient,  the 

would  give  you  "  to  see  and  hear  me  on  that  slaveholders  have,  in  the  course  of  fifty  years, 

occasion."  usurped  the  whole  constitutional  powers  of  the 

******  Union,  have  possessed  themselves  of  the  ex- 

My  mind  is  in  no  state  to  receive  pleasure  ecutive  chair,  of  the  halls  of  Congress,  of  the 

from  social  scenes  and  friendly  intercourse.    I  national  courts  of  justice  and  of  the  military 

can  think  or  speak  of  nothing  but  of  the  out-  *rm>  leaving  nothing  of  hope  to  the  spirit  of 

rages  of  slaveholders  at  Kansas,  and  the  out-  freedom  in  the  Free  States,  but  public  speech 

rages  of  slaveholders  at  Washington-outrages,  m  the  legislature  and  the  ballot  box.     The 

which,  if  not  met  in  the  spirit  of  our  fathers  one  a  slaveholders  mob  is  crushing  in  Kansas, 

of  the  Revolution,  (and  I  see  no  sign  that  they  the  other  a  deputation  from  the  slaveholders 

will  be)-our  liberties  are  but  a  name,  and  our  of  the  House  of  Representatives  have  attempted 

Union  proves  a  curse.     These  outrages  con-  to  crush  by  a  slaveholder's  bludgeon, 

stitute  a  series  of  iniquitously  contrived,  well-  My  heart  is  too  full.     If  I  should  pour  forth 

connected,  compact  tissues,  of  which  all  that  is  in  it,  both  paper  and  time  would 

The  fugitive  slave  law  was  the  first ;  fail  me. 

The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  the  Trul7'  J  am  y°urs>        JOSIAH  QUINCY. 

second  ;  Quincy,  27th  May,  1856. 


77 


Brooks  has  been  promptly  returned  to  Con 
gress  and  his  base  deed  thus  assumed  and  rati- 

O 

fied  by  his  constituents.     Behold  how  they 
welcome  the  assassin ! 

Reception  of  Hon.  V.  S.Brooks— Public  De 
monstration—The  Gathering  of  the  Feople— 
an  Immense  Crowd—  Presentation  of  Mayor 
Arthur— Speech  of  Mr.  Brooks— The  Sere 
nade. 

From  the  Carolina  Times,  Aug.  30. 

On  Thursday  afternoon,  Hon.  Preston  S. 
Brooks  being  expected  by  the  afternoon  train 
on  the  Charlotte  road,  a  large  number  of  citi 
zens  of  Columbia,  assembled  around  the  depot 
to  greet  him  on  his  arrival ;  but  unfortunately 
for  them,  notwithstanding  extensive  prepara 
tions  had  been  made,  and  a  very  handsome 
coach  and  four  with  neatly  decorated  horses 
were  in  waiting,  he  did  not  reach  the  city 
until  4  o'clock  yesterday  morning — having 
been  detained  by  his  friends  and  admirers  in 
the  upper  districts. 

At  an  early  hour  on  Thursday  morning,  the 
arrival  of  Mr.  Brooks  being  known,  many  of 
his  friends  called  at  his  quarters,  and  a  com 
mittee  of  citizens  waited  upon  him,  especially 
to  urge  the  propriety  of  his  remaining  over  one 
day,  notwithstanding  his  anxiety  to  reach 
home  at  as  early  a  period  as  possible. 

*  *  *  *  * 

At  8  o'clock  the  City  Hall  was  so  densely 
crowded  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  move 
an  adjournment  to  the  street  in  front  of  the 
Court-House,  upon  the  balcony  of  which, 
Mayor  Arthur  presented  to  Mr.  Brooks,  in 
presence  of  the  assembled  mass  of  citizens,  a 
handsome  Silver  Pitcher,  a  Goblet,  and  one  of 
Mr.  Peckham's  finest  Hickory  Canes  with  a 
handsome  gold  head. 

Each  article  was  selected  with  great  care, 
without  regard  to  cost,  by  the  citizens  of  Co 
lumbia,  intended  as  a  present  to  Mr.  Brooks, 
as  an  evidence  of  their  unqualified  approval 
of  his  course  as  a  Representative,  and  espe 
cially  for  the  prompt  and  appropriate  manner  in 
which  he  chastised  the  notorious  Charles  Sum- 
ner,  for  his  wanton  abuse  and  cowardly  as 
sault  upon  the  character  of  the  venerable 
Senator  from  South  Carolina,  Andrew  Pick- 
ens  Butler,  and  the  fair  fame  of  his  State. 

The  pitcher  and  goblet  are  beautiful  speci 
mens  of  the  skill  and  taste  of  Messrs.  Rad- 
cliffe  &  Guignard,  at  whose  establishment  they 
were  purchased. 

Mayor  Arthur,  on  making  the  presentation, 
delivered  a  very  handsome  and  appropriate 
speech,  as  follows : 

Col.  Brooks:  On  behalf  of  the  citizens  of 


Columbia,  it  becomes  my  pleasing  duty  to  pre 
sent  to  you  this  pitcher,  goblet  and  cane,  as 
testimonials  of  our  high  appreciation  of  your 
recent  conduct  at  Washington  City.  They 
were  prepared  some  time  since  for  presenta 
tion,  but  supposing  that  it  would  be  more 
agreeable  to  you  to  receive  them  here  in  the 
midst  of  your  own  fellow  citizens,  they  have 
been  withheld  for  this  occasion.  I  trust,  sir, 
that  I  may  be  permitted  to  add  that  it  is  not 
alone  that  you  have  visited  with  merited  casti- 
gation  the  vile  slanderer  of  the  State  which 
gave  you  birth  that  we  delight  to  honor  you, 
but  because  your  conduct  throughout  the  try 
ing  scenes  through  which  you  have  since 
passed  has  been  such  as  to  win  the  applause  of 
all  honorable  men,  and  to  justify  our  pride  in 
claiming  you  as  one  of  Carolina's  noblest 
sons. 

It  is  needless  for  me  to  allude  more  particu 
larly  to  your  noble  bearing,  and  gallant  con 
duct  in  maintaining  the  honor  and  interests  of 
your  State  ;  for  let  me  assure  you,sir,they  need 
no  record  but  the  hearts  of  your  countrymen, 
where  now  they  are  already  inscribed  in  char 
acters  which  time  cannot  efface. 

Allow  me,  sir,  on  behalf  of  the  citizens,  to 
welcome  you  to  Columbia,  and  to  tender 
to  you  our  warm  congratulations  on  your 
triumph  over  the  malignant  slanderers  of  your 
State  and  race,  and  to  assure  you  of  our  cor 
dial  sympathy  and  approbation. 

After  the  conclusion  of  Mayor  Arthur's  re 
marks,  Col.  Brooks  advanced  to  the  front  of 
the  portico,  amid  the  cheers  and  applause  of 
the  multitude,  and  delivered  a  speech  of  nearly 
an  hour  in  length,  a  brief,  meagre,  and  very 
inadequate  synopsis  of  which  we  give.  He 
thanked  the  citizens  for  the  compliment  paid 
him  on  this  occasion,  and  for  the  sympathy 
which  his  course  had  received.  It  was  the 
spirit  which  actuated  him  to  do  the  deed, 
more  than  the  deed  itself,  which  deserved  their 
commendation.  It  was  a  deed  which  was  the 
result  of  a  high  sense  of  duty,  and  any  man 
who  held  his  honor  above  reproach  would 
have  acted  under  similar  circumstances,  pre 
cisely  as  he  did. 

An  ordinary  castigation  was  nothing  to  ex 
cite  a  people  as  had  this  act  of  his  excited  the 
North.  Abolitionists,  seeking  excuses  for 
their  vile  slanders,  had  made  it  a  pretext  for 
more  fanaticism.  It  was  curious  that  the  cas 
tigation  of  a  Black  Republican  should  beget 
so  extraordinary  an  excitement.  But  they 
had  used  this  act  of  his — executed  under  the 
highest  sense  of  duty — as  an  instrument  to 
kindle  more  fires  of  fanaticism.  Their  motive 


78 


was  political  power ;  they  wished  to  enjoy  the 
patronage  and  the  emoluments  of  the  Govern 
ment. 

Every  foot  of  the  way  from  Washington  to 
this  city  he  had  met  with  kindness  from  the 
people  of  the  South,  and  it  gratified  him  to 
believe  that  were  he  to  travel  to  the  extremest 
verge  of  the  South  he  should  meet  with  the 
same  hearty  welcome  as  he  had  experienced 
here  and  elsewhere. 

He  would  not  say  there  was  no  honor  or 
moral  courage  at  the  North  ;  he  knew  there 
were  some  men  of  as  true  courage  at  the 
North  as  elsewhere.  But  what  he  wished  to 
say  was,  that  the  moral  tone  of  mind  which 
would  lead  a  man  to  become  a  Black  Repub 
lican  would  make  him  incapable  of  courage 
and  would  involve  a  loss  of  all  honor  and 
moral  principle  whatever. 

It  was  plain  that  the  defeat  of  the  Army  bill 
was  the  act  of  the  Black  Republican  majority 
in  the  House  of  Representatives.  He  was 
almost  glad  of  it ;  though  he  had  voted  for  the 
original  bill,  he  was  of  opinion  it  ought  to  fail. 
He  voted  for  it  from  a  sense  of  duty,  not  liking 
to  do  evil  that  good  might  follow.  The  loss  of 
the  Army  appropriation  would  not  injure  the 
South,  because  all  the  money  nearly  was  ex 
pended  at  the  North. 

He  rather  wished  the  army  appropriation 
bill  would  not  pass,  because  it  would  effect  the 
removal  of  the  United  States  soldiers  from 
Kansas  and  leave  the  people  of  the  South  free 
to  go  there  and  cut  the  throats  of  Lane  and 
his  Abolition  comrades.  We  know  the  Black 
Republican  platform ;  it  is  our  duty  either  to 
counteract  them  or  meet  them  boldly,  face  to 
face,  and  battle  for  our  rights. 

Their  principles  were  the  abolition  of  Slav 
ery  in  the  district  of  Columbia,  the  prohibition 
of  the  inter  State  slave-trade,  no  more  Slave 
Territory,  &c.  Will  they  carry  out  these  prin 
ciples  ?  The  election  of  Banks  as  Speaker  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  the  defeat 
of  the  Army  bill,  teach  us  that  we  should 
meet  and  prepare  to  defend  ourselves.  With 
right  upon  our  side,  we  should  meet  and  con 
quer  them. 

All  of  us  agreed  that  if  we  could  not  live 
in  equality  in  the  Union,  our  only  course  was 
to  dissolve  it.  He  was  a  cooperation  disunion- 
ist — the  same  as  he  was  in  1851.  He  felt  con 
vinced  that  South  Carolina  would  respond  to 
his  position. 

When  he  said  lately  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  that  he  had  it  in  his  power  to  raise 
a  revolution,  it  was  no  egotistic  boast.  He  felt 
that  he  had  done  as  much  as  any  one  man  to 


concentrate  the  feeling  of  the  South,  and 
when  he  spoke  of  revolution,  he  knew  that 
had  he  stepped  forward  and  smote  one  of 
their  Abolition  crew  in  the  House,  their 
enmity  to  him  would  have  precipitated  them 
against  him,  and  then  his  friends  would  have 
covered  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
with  human  blood. 

He  now  came  to  a  delicate  question — the 
Presidency.  The  only  hope  for  the  South  was 
to  support  Mr.  Buchanan.  His  opponents 
were  Fremont  and  Fillmore — the  former  a 
soldier  who  had  never  won  a  battle,  a  politi 
cian  who  had  never  made  a  speech  ;  his  birth 
place,  too,  was  as  hard  to  fix  upon  satisfactor 
ily,  as  was  the  identity  of  his  father.  Fill- 
more  was  a  man  of  unexceptionable  moral 
virtue ;  and  between  Fremont  and  Fillmore 
he  would  prefer  the  former,  because  the  great 
issue  would  be  precipitated,  although  the  lat 
ter  was  as  much  an  Abolitionist,  having  voted 
to  abolish  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
against  the  admission  of  Texas,  and  had  op 
posed  the  Administration  of  Franklin  Pierce, 
for  his  course  on  the  Missouri  Compromise. 

Buchanan,  the  speaker  frankly  admitted, 
was  not  his  first,  second  or  third  choice,  but 
his  last.  His  first  choice  was  Franklin  Pierce, 
because  he  had  manifested  a  disposition  to  give 
the  South  her  constitutional  rights.  After 
Pierce  he  was  in  favor  of  Douglass — a  true 
friend  ,who  had  perilled  his  life  by  his  position 
on  the  Nebraska  bill,  and  who  had  the  smoke 
and  scars  of  the  battle  upon  him. 

There  must  be  compromise  everywhere — 
in  society,  in  law  and  in  politics.  Buchanan 
was  the  standard-bearer  in  the  coming  contest, 
and  the  platform  upon  which  he  stood  was  the 
right  one  for  the  South.  If  its  principles  were 
carried  out,  the  Government  would  be  restored 
to  the  condition  of  a  constitutional  administra 
tion.  Why  should  we  refuse  to  take  a  part 
in  the  battle  ?  If  we  are  bound  to  have  civil 
war,  and  if  we  must  dissolve  the  Union,  we 
must  do  it  with  a  full  appreciation  of  the  con 
sequences.  He  thought  there  would  be  no 
child's  play  when  the  conflict  did  conie. 

On  the  second  Monday  in  November  next 
the  great  question  would  be  decided.  For  his 
part,  if  Fremont,  the  traitor  to  his  section, 
should  be  successful,  it  was  his  deliberate 
opinion  that  on  the  fourth  of  March  next,  the 
people  of  the  South  should  rise  in  their  might, 
march  to  Washington,  and  seize  the  archives 
and  the  Treasury  of  the  Government.  We 
should  anticipate  them,  and  force  them  to  at 
tack  us. 

In  conclusion,  Mr.  Brooks  said  he  felt  it  to 


79 

be  an  obligation  upon  him  to  devote  all  the   WHAT  THE  "  RICHMOND  ENQUIRER  "  SAYS 

energies  of  his  life  to  repay  the   generous  OF  MR.  BUCHANAN. 

sympathy  with  which  he  had  been  met  by  his       The  «  Ric]imond  Enquirer  "  thus   endorses 

fellow-citizens  of  the  South  and  South  Uaro- 

lina  ;  and  tbat  whenever  an  occasion  offered  -Buchanan  :  - 

he  would  be  ready  to  stand  up  in  defence  of       In  private,  as  well  as  in  public,  Mr.  Buchan- 

his  State.     In  the  Ian  mage  of  a  distinguished   an  has  always  stood  on  the  side  of  the  South. 

citizen  of  our  State,  he  would  say  that  through   The  citizen  and  the  statesman  are   one   and 

good  and  evil  report,  for  weal  or  for  woe,  he   the  same  individual.     He  supported  the  rights 

would  stand  by  South  Carolina.  of  the  South  when  in  office  ;   he  vindicated 

and  maintained  those  rights  when  out  of  office. 

At  the  conclusion  of  these  remarks,  (which  He  not  only  voted  for  all  measures  of  justice 
were  frequently  interrupted  by  hearty  ap-  to  the  South,  but  he  endeavored  to  carry  them 
plause,)  one  general  shout  arose  from  the  as-  into  effect.  His  is  not  a  dead  record  of  votes, 
sembled  crowd,  and  they  quietly  dispersed,  but  a  living  record  of  acts,  which  vindicate 
but  soon  after  reassembled  with  a  band  of  the  honesty  of  the  votes.  Thus  Mr.  Buchanan 
musicians  and  repaired  to  the  temporary  resi-  exhorted  the  North  to  a  faithful  and  cheerful 
dence  of  Col.  Brooks,  determined  to  give  him  fulfilment  of  the  obligations  of  the  Fugitive 
a  good  old-fashioned  Blchland  serenade,  which  Slave  Law.  He  protested  against  the  prohi- 
was  admirably  sustained  by  the  band  of  the  bition  of  the  jails  in  Pennsylvania  to  Federal 
Richland  Volunteer  Rifle  Company,  inter-  officers  for  the  confinement  of  captured  slaves. 
spersed  with  a  display  of  fireworks  in  front  of  He  denounced  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  He  ap- 
the  Congare.e  House.  proved  the  Clayton  Compromise  of  1847. 

And,  to  sum  up  in  a  single  sentence,  he  has  at 

all  times  and  in  all  places  exerted  the  authority 
For  the  «  Boston  Daily  Advertiser."  of  his  high  character  and  great  talents  to  uphold 

the  Union,  defend  the  Constitution,  and  protect 
The  Three  Candidates. 


Which  candidate  is  most  conservative  and       To  recapitulate,  — 

least  sectional  ?  l'  In.l.83?'  Mn  Buchanan  supported  a  bill 

to  prohibit  the  circulation  of  abolition  papers 
Let  each  speak  for  himself  or  through  his  through  the  mails. 
friends,  as  per  extracts  below  :  —  2.  In  the  same  year,  he  proposed  and  voted 

for  the  admission  of  Arkansas. 

LETTER  FROM  COL.  FREMONT.  3.  In  1836-7,  he  denounced,  and  voted  to 

reject  petitions  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  m 
NEW  YORK,  April  29,  1856.        the  District  of  Columbia. 

Gentlemen,  —  I  have  to  thank  you  for  the  4>  jn  ^37,  he  voted  for  Mr.  Calhoun's  fa- 
honor  of  an  invitation  to  a  meeting  this  even-  mous  resolutions,  defining  the  rights  of  the 
ing  at  the  Broadway  Tabernacle,  and  regret  States  and  the  limits  of  Federal  authority,  and 
that  other  gagagements  have  interfered  to  affirming  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  government  to 
prevent  my  being  present.  I  heartily  concur  protect  and  uphold  the  institutions  of  the  South. 
in  all  movements  which  have  for  their  object  5>  ]n  1838-9  and  1840,  he  invariably  voted 
1o  "repair  the  mischiefs  arising  from  the  vio-  wjth  Southern  Senators  against  the  considera- 
lation  of  good  faith  in  the  repeal  of  the  Mis-  tion  of  anti-slavery  petitions. 
souri  Compromise."  I  am  opposed  to  slavery  (j.  in  1844-5,  he  advocated  and  voted  for 
in  the  abstract,  and  upon  principle  sustained  the  annexation  of  Texas. 
and  made  habitual  by  long-settled  convictions.  7.  in  1847,  he  sustained  the  Clayton  Corn- 
While  I  feel  inflexible  in  the  belief  that  it  promise. 

ought  not  to  be  interfered  with  where  it  exists  8.  In  1850,  he  proposed  and  urged  the  ex- 
under  the  shield  of  State  sovereignty,  I  am  as  tension  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  to  the 
inflexibly  opposed  to  its  extension  on  this  con-  Pacific  Ocean. 

tinent  beyond  its  present  limits.  9.  But  he  promptly  acquiesced  in  the  Com- 

With  the  assurance  of  regard  for  yourselves,  promise  of  1850,  and  employed  all  his  influ- 
I  am,  very  respectfully,  yours,  ence  in  favor  of  the  faithful  execution  of  the 

J.  C.  FREMONT.       Fugitive  Slave  Law. 

onri  nthrrs  10-  IQ  1851,  he   remonstrated    against  an 

SS  &c  enactment  of  the   Pennsylvania   Legislature 


80 

for  obstructing  the  arrest  and  return  of  Fugi-  man  of  the  North,  in  the  confidence  and  affec 
tive  Slaves.  tion  of  the  people  of  the  South.  He  demands 

11.  In  1854,  he  negotiated  for  the  acquisi-  not  a  mere  recognition  of  liis  attachment  to 
tion  of  Cuba.  the  Constitution,  but  unbounded  applause  for 

12.  In  1856,  he  approves  the  repeal  of  (lie  such  service  in  the  interest  of  the  South  as  no 
Missouri  restriction,  and  supports  the  principles  other  man   can  boast.     Against   the   captious 
of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act.  criticism  of  a  desperate    adversary,   refining 

13.  He  never  gave  a  vote  against  the  interests  upon  technical  distinctions  and  skulking  among 
of  Slavery,  and  never  uttered  a  word  which  quibbles,  the  Democracy  oppose  this   incon- 
couldpain  (lie  most  sensitive  Southern  heart.  testable  attestation  of  their  candidate's  fidelity. 

The  prominent  facts  of  Mr.  Buchanan's * 

record  touching  Slavery  are  thus  grouped  into  EXTRACT  FROM  MR.  FILLMORE'S  SPEECH  AT 
a  single  view;  so  that  a  person  of  the  least  ALBANY 

patience  in  lesearch  may  ascertain  at  a  glance 

how  the  Democratic  candidate  stands  in  res-  "  We  see  a  political  party  presenting  candi- 
pect  to  the  great  issue  of  the  canvas.  In  this  dates  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presidency, 
succinct  statement,  we  give  not  detached  pas-  selected  for  the  first  time  from  the  Free  States 
sages  and  isolated  acts ;  but  we  bring  the  alone,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  electing 
whole  histoVy  of  a  long  life  to  bear  upon  the  these  candidates  by  the  suffrages  of  one  part 
popular  mind  with  the  irresistible  force  of  of  the  Union  only  to  rule  over  the  whole 
truth.  This  rapid  retrospect  discloses  a  con-  United  States.  [Cries  of  "  shame — shame."] 
sistency  and  efficiency  of  service  to  the  South  Can  it  be  possible  that  those  who  are  engaged 
which  flattery  can  claim  for  no  other  living  in  such  a  measure  can  have  seriously  reflected 
man.  Mr.  Buchanan  is  not  only  vindicated  upon  the  consequences  which  must  inevitably 
from  calumny,  he  is  not  simply  shown  to  be  follow  in  case  ot'succe.s?  Can  they  have  the 
exempt1  from  just  reproach  and  worthy  of  madness  or  the  folly  to  believe  that  our  South- 
confidence, —  he  is  promoted  to  his  proper  ern  brethren  would  submit  to  be  governed  by 
position,  in  advance  of  any  and  every  states-  such  a  Chief  Magistrate  ? 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 


This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 
on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 

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<         Stockton,  Calif.       1 
I    T,  M.  Reg.  U.S.  Pat. Off.  ] 


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